Jūlijs Augusts Celms

Alternative Death: 10.05.1935

Jūlijs Augusts Celms played a historic role in the movement for independence in Latvia. He was a leading intellectual in this struggle, a war hero, present at the signing and declaration of Latvia’s independence and a four term member of the Latvian parliament. For those of you now linked to this family tree, or much younger in years, I would like to first share with you the historic background of Latvia at the turn of the twentieth century. Below you’ll also find both my research and personal knowledge of Julijs Celms and further down is my daughter, Elizabeth Celms’ thesis in the determination of the Latvian Social Democratic Party's and Julijs specific role in Latvia's independence - but very peronalized.

This is long. Enjoy!

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CELMS Jūlijs, sabiedrisks darbinieks.

• 1879. IX 29. Pedeles pag. + 1935. V 09. Rīgā 1896/1900. Beidzis Baltijas skolotāju semināru, 1900/1904. Biķeru draudzes skolas skolotājs, 1904/1905. Rīgas II ministrijas skolas skolotājs, 906/1907. Somijā,1907/1908. Cietumā, 1911. laikraksta „Laika Balss” redaktors, 1916. Krievijas armijas karavīrs, 1917/1918. Virsnieks, 1918. XI 11. - 1920. IV 09. Tautas padomes loceklis, Latvijas sociāldemokrātiskā strādnieku partija, 1918. XI 18. Piedalījies Latvijas valsts proklamēšana, 1919/1920. Daugavpils kājnieku pulka virsleitnants, 1920/1927. Rīgas pilsētas Diskonto bankas direktors, 1920. IV 18. – 1922.XI 07. Satversmes sapulces deputāte, Latvijas sociāldemokrātu strādnieku partija, 1920. apbalvots ar Lāčplēša kara ordeņa III šķiru # 280, 1922. X 07. – 1925. X 03. Saeimas I deputāts, Latvijas sociāldemokrātiskā strādnieku partija, 1922. XI 24. ievēlēts Lāčplēša kara ordeņa domē, 1925. X 03. – 1928. X 06. Saeimas II deputāts, Latvijas sociāldemokrātiskā strādnieku partija, 1925. XI 13. ievēlēts Lāčplēša kara ordeņa domē, 1926/1930. Latvijas Bankas padomes priekšsēdētāju, 1928. X 06. – 1931. X 03. Saeimas III deputāts, Latvijas sociāldemokrātiskā strādnieku partija, 1928. XI 09. ievēlēts Lāčplēša kara ordeņa domē. 1931. X 08. – 1934. V 15. Saeimas IV deputāts, Latvijas sociāldemokrātu strādnieku partija, 1931. XI 20. ievēlēts Lāčplēša kara ordeņa domē, 1935. sodīts, Apbalvots ar Sv. Jura ordeņa IV šķiras krustu, Apbedīts Rīgas Brāļu kapos. Avots: “Tautas padomes stenogrammas”, R., 1925.; „Latvijas satversmes sapulces stenogrammas”, R., 1925.; „L.R. Saeimas stenogrammas”, R., 1922., 1925., 1928., 1931.; “Latvijas darbinieku galerija”, R., 1929.; “Es viņu pazīstu”, R., 1939.; „Baltijas skolotāju seminārs”, R., 1940.; „Lāčplēša kara ordeņa kavalieri”, R., 1995.
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The 1905 Russian Revolution was undeniably a class-based struggle from the domination of Tsarist Empire. The provinces of Courland and Livonia were doubly oppressed since the local Baltic German landed nobility, remnants of the medieval Teutonic Order of Knights, owned huge landed estates, controlled the local administration on behalf of the Russian Tsar, enforced feudal prerogatives, and imposed Russification and in many areas, conversion to the Russian Orthodox Church. Revolutionary movements were strong and popular during both the 1905 and the 1917 Revolutions. Accordingly, the Latvian Social Democratic Workers Party was formed in 1904 and by 1906 joined the Russian Social Democratic Party supporting Lenin and the Bolshevik faction. Julijs early years were spent as a journalist and agitator in Riga in help form the Latvian Social Democratic Party.

At the time most bourgeois tendencies were against national independence or any kind of autonomy from the Russian Empire. Their progressive groups simply had aspirations for some more local self-government, abolition of feudal privileges and the use of national languages and native religion - Roman Catholic or Protestant. It was actually the Social Democrats that started demands for national liberation, cultural development, ethnic equality, self-determination. In 1903, Latvian Social Democrat Mikelis Valters first put forward the slogan of secession from the Russian Empire.

During the 1905 Revolution, uprisings and strikes broke out in the more highly industrialized Latvia cities. Peasants rose in armed revolts against the big landed estates, burned manor houses and fought pitched battles against them. After the defeat of the Revolution, tsarist retribution was especially harsh - 908 persons were summarily executed, hundreds were sent to jail, and thousands were deported. This represented the first migration of Latvians to America as well. Julijs, his new wife Milda and their daughter, Laima, joined the exodus of Latvian intellectuals moving in the shadows of Tsarist Russia - leaving Riga for Helsinki and later to Moscow, all along, advancing their educations whilst quietly writing revolutionary underground news articles (See below Elizabeth Celms article on Julijs participation in the LSDWP).

During the First World War (1914-1919) Latvia was overrun by the German Army. As the war and destruction progressed, social antagonisms grew. To the bourgeoisie, independence became a necessity only after the success of the October Revolution. Local workers' councils quickly took power; Red Guard units were formed under quasi Soviet governments in Tallinn and in Riga after the withdrawal of the German Army. Seeking national independence was not a goal. Under these circumstances, the bourgeoisie of these provinces frantically searched for powerful saviors from abroad. They did not care very much, about these saviors' attitudes on Baltic independence, as long as they would assist in suppressing the Worker’s revolutionary.

The bourgeoisie accepted help from the Germans, Finns of Mannerheim, and Russian tzarist generals who advocated a "single and indivisible" tzarist autocracy. Most importantly, they had support from the British Navy, which dominated the Baltic with the surrender of Germany in November 1918. –This worker socialist unrest was a tremendous concern to the Great British Empire. International revolution to them would likewise be the collapse of their basic economic lifeline.

As the Civil War in Russia swung back and forth Baltic nationalists smelled opportunity in the confusion. The Red Guards were defeated with German, Finnish and British help and the weakened Soviet government had to acquiesce to the victory in the Baltic. Armistice and then peace treaties between the Soviet and the three Baltic governments were concluded during 1920.

This was the backdrop of the life of young Julijs Celms and most Latvians. The weakness of the Baltic German bourgeoisie in the newly formed government of Latvia required tremendous agility – and the collaborations of the broad Latvian political spectrum. The peasant masses, landless and impoverished pushed for social transformation and land distribution. To do was required expropriation of the rich. Within this turmoil, the Social-Democratic parties came to capitalism's rescue by always negotiating the middle ground with their parliamentary factional majority. Capitalism was stabilized, but at the cost of mass expropriation of the old semi-feudal gentry, progressive taxation for social, health, educational and cultural expenditures. Julijs Celms played a major role in this redistribution by being a leading member and later, Chairman of the Bank of Latvia (1926-1931) and its monetary reform. Over 90% of the estates were broken up and divided among the peasantry. In this way, the new governments gained a measure of public acceptance and social support. It should be noted that due to the historic domination of German nobility; the majority of expropriated estates were German-owned, making land redistribution popular with all classes of Latvians/Balts.

All three newly formed Baltic countries were generally unstable primarily due to the way they carved up borders leaving sizable ethnic minorities giving raise to continuous border disputes. The original constitutions were generally democratic that vested major legislative and executive functions in proportionately elected parliaments. Still, the undertone of Europe after the war remained uneasy. Fascist reactions to social reforms were a constant threat. The Social Democrats, under the guidance of Bruno Kalnins, Fricis Menders, Pauls Kalnins, Andrejs Petevics, Margers Skujenieks, Voldamars Bastjanis and Julijs Celms maintained a reasonable semblance of balance for about fifteen years.

In March of 1934, Prime Minister Ulmanis declared a state of emergency and, although the constitution was not formally abolished, he governed by decree from then on. Saeima, the parliament was ignored and stripped of all power. The press was severely censored, and opposition parties were “temporally jailed” on trumpet up sedition charges. Over 2,000 Social Democrats were imprisoned or placed in a concentration camp in Liepaja, Julijs Celms, amongst them. As head of the Workers' Union, which defended the legal constitution, Bruno Kalnins was arrested and sentenced to three years' imprisonment.

Julijs Celms was arrested by the Ulmanu regime on May 15, 1934 when they went around to all their homes and arrested them – generally on the illegal possession of weapons. It is not clear if these are “trumped up charges” by the Ulmanu regime or reality. Supposedly, the Social Democrat sporting hall, which had rifles and guns for sporting uses was broken into by the Ulmanu people and the Social Democrats were accused of stashing weapons for a coupe of their own. This is a subject of great debate – with little fact as no investigation into was possible sense Ulmanis ruled with a strong arm and the history disappeared after the Communist takeover in 1939. On November 27, Julijs was convicted in the Riga court and was sentenced to 4 months in the Riga Central Prison. His sentence was reduce to 3 months because hew as a decorated war veteran and a Lacplesa ordeni kavaleri. He died on May 9, 1935 of complications on a simple appendicitis operation.

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The below information is a compilation of the research I have done trying to reconcile everything I remember my dad telling me about Julijs Celms and the tremendous help I have received for various “amateur Latvian historians”, who frankly have a tremendous grasp of this period of Latvian history. The collaborations are from Roberts Lievins of New York, Juris Sagarins in Boston, Peteris Cedrins in Daugavaspils and Elizabeth Rutens from California. To a large extent, I have left their narrative in their style as they posted it to me so generally you can see who’s contribution is being made to the below attempt to make some sense out of Julijs personal life and political life.

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As can be seen from this family tree, Julijs Celms was born in 1879 on Pedelles Muiza, only a few miles west of Valka, (see attached map in pictures) a city that is split between the Latvian Estonian borders, often referred to as Valka/Valga. Julijs was one of twelve children, three of whom died in early childhood. From everything I understand, the “Celms branch” essentially has its roots from this area for numerous generations. Julijs parents, Peteris and Liene Celms worked on the Lugazu Liela Muiza (name of Manor home) for many years. Apparently Peteris was hard working and fortunate to work for a progressive German Baron who probably was reasonably decent to Peter and his family. By most accounts, he was given the right, if not direct ownership, to some land and a simply family farm home. The arrangement must have provided reasonably well for his family, as he pushed real hard to see that his sons, and perhaps his daughters, all got educated. From what I can tell, Karlis, Julijs, Janis and Theodor all left the farm to pursue higher education – never to return to farming. Educating Latvians was popular with the progressive German landlords who had come to recognize that they could not manage their farms and businesses without an educated Latvian clerical and supervisory staffs (management). Julijs attended and graduated the Baltic Teachers Seminary in Kuldiga, Latvia (Baltijas skolotaju seminaru). With the degree, he was intending to be a teacher, and in fact, published over a dozen text books on mathematics over the next twenty years (see list below). But my guess was that as a young intellectual, he got caught up in the first Latvian Atmodas (Awakening) Period and his passion for politics drove him to underground journalism and revolutionary sentiments. And, perhaps he met his wife, Milda there, as she too was educated as a teacher and would later spend her most of her life teaching.

My take on Julijs would be that he was very much like his son, my father, Aleksandrs Celms. My guess is that he was athletic, strong, and obviously, a natural leader. Latvians who knew him told me he was a tremendous orator – hence his success in politics. Clearly not only was he popular politically, being only one of a handful of Latvian Seima members to be reelected to all four parliaments over a twelve year period. Yet, unlike Sasha’s days, when organized sports were highly encouraged - playing ball, swimming, riding or running were probably more natural boyhood endeavors he enjoyed as compared to the more an organized sporting environment. His military feats would argue that he was a quick study on the battle field and nimble to both survive and lead. The outdoors were a big part of his life, as Opap repeatedly told me how he and Julijs would go hunting, fishing, craw fishing, riding and simply enjoying outdoor camping and cooking meals on open fires and family picnic environments, as is evidenced by the many pictures we have. And, I know for a fact that one Celms tradition that began before Julijs’ time was those damn para-military early morning cold water swims that all Celms fathers insisted that their kids so. In the summers, at our Haven Lake cabin we would always be required to take a cold, early morning plunge into the lake to “properly wake up” before breakfast. And, the old men would shave dockside. Opap shared with me how he did that with Julijs almost daily at Apgulde and that Julijs had done that with his father and brothers before him. A virtual Celms family ritual! And today, all my kids still do that when we gather at Haven Lake.

Julijs Celms was a teacher, good with numbers, and had written textbooks on mathematics. While teaching in Riga, he joined the Latvian Social Democrat Workers Party in early 1905. After the 1905 Revolution, his political leanings forced him out of Latvia, taking Milda, and his newly born daughter, Laima, to Helsinki, where for a time he was the editor of the illegal and underground workers newspaper “Cina” (The Fight/Battle). It appears that he was also a contributing writer/editor to several other papers – Peterburgas Avizu, Dienas Lapa and Jauna Dienas. Later, he would move to Moscow and became active in the Latvian exile community there. His younger brother Theodor’s was also a student there and Julijs was attending the University of Moscow. He edited a paper called "Laika Balss," often writing under the pseudonym "Almokrats." As World War I broke out, he was conscripted into the Russian Army in 1916 and served there until 1918, when he and thousands of other young Latvian soldiers moved back to Riga to purse the fight for Latvia’s independence. While serving in the Russian Army, he was promoted to a Lieutenant and was decorated for heroism with Russian Cross of St. George IV.

In 1918 he returned to Riga, residing at Suvorova (aka Kr. Barona) iela either #31 or #37 both were listed as the home. I believe the adjoining unit was the private school (gimnazija) run by his wife, Milda. This was also a place where the Social Democrats often held meetings on the sly. It turns out to be a rather illustrious address; his downstairs neighbor was Dr. Pauls Kalnins, who would later become President of the Saeima and the apartments upstairs were rented by Mikelis Valters and Karlis Ulmanis, later President of Latvia and ironically, the same man who would arrest Julijs sixteen years later. All in all, a fairly good neighborhood, one would think. He worked at Elizabetes iela #16 as a member of the central committee of the Latvian Social Democratic party, contributing to the newspaper "Sozialdemokrats." On the evening of 17 November, 1918 a large meeting of Latvian socialdemocrats took place at "Jaunais Teatris" Romanov (aka Lacplesa) iela #25, and owing to persuasive arguments by Kalnins, Menders and Celms, the Social Democrats voted to join in the National Union. The next day, Kalnins and Celms were entrusted to make the security arrangements for getting an armed detachment so that there would be no "interruption" of the event scheduled for that afternoon. On 18 November 1918 Julijs Celms was one of the men on stage to proclaim independence of the Republic of Latvija.

But proclamation of independence was one thing – wining the independence would require continuing the war on the Eastern Front for several more years fighting the remnants of both the German and Russian Empires and the emerging Soviets. When the Soviets took Riga in January 1919, most of the “Mazenieki” (Mensheviks) left for Liepaja - a Social Democratic stronghold. Julijs Celms remained in Riga. Celms had maintained that the working people would have to experience life under the “Lielinieki” (Bolsheviks) before being convinced that the “Mazenieku” way was better, or in Julijs Celms own words: "Jaizsapno maldu miles sapnojums." There, over the coming months, popular support for the Bolsheviks eroded. Resources were badly mismanaged and starvation loomed for the city of Riga. Many strelki defected, and it is alleged that Celms and the LSDSP helped pave the way for them. Among the top defectors were three key officers of the Soviet Latvian Army, Colonel Mangulis, Colonel Avens, and the head of the Military Institute, Colonel Laimins. The newspaper "Sozialdemokrats," under the leadership of Celms exposed instances of Red terror, including the concentration camp at Zaku Island.

Upon the return to Riga of Nationalist forces, much activity that formerly took place in secret could now begin legitimate operations. Two additional military units were formed from the defecting strelki and other volunteers, the 1st and 2nd Riga Volunteer Rotas. Julijs Celms was a "virsleitnants" (First Lieutenant), his immediate commander is Tangens. These units were incorporated into the command structure of the Latvian Army, Southern Group, under the command of Colonel Balodis.

After the debacle with the Germans turning against the Latvian Army, Northern Group at Cesis, the Latvian Army, Southern Group was at best considered neutral, at worst part of the enemy German forces. The Ulmanis Government was still in exile aboard the "Saratov” in the Baltic. Because of his knowledge of the Valka region, Lieutenant Julijs Celms was given a very sensitive mission, to cross the lines in the middle of a major military conflict and inform Latvian Army Northern Group Headquarters at Valka/Valga, that the two Riga volunteer units would remain loyal to the Nationalist Government and will not follow any order to fight against the Northern Group. It is recorded that Julijs Celms successfully executed this mission and served with distinction during his assignment to the Northern Group.

After the cease-fire agreement reached in Strazda Muiza, the Northern Group marched triumphantly into Riga. Colonel Zemitans rode in on a great white horse and Celms and other soldiers were warmly welcomed too! A few days later, the "Saratov" docked in Riga and the Nationalist government returned to the capital city. The Latvian Army was reorganized with the overall command given to a recently returned General Davids Simansons. Colonels Balodis and Zemitans were treated as equals and given new division commands. The Riga Volunteer Corps were reorganized as well, into command structures of the 8th Daugavpils and 9th Rezeknes Infantry Battalions. The Germans were supposed to gradually evacuate Latvia, but again, they would have a change of heart and decide to have one more go of it. Balodis division went on the offensive down the Daugava river banks, harassing the retreating Red Russians.

Julijs Celms great moment as a military man comes during the "Bermondt" attack on Riga. The Latvians are greatly outnumbered, there is much confusion, and orders are being given to abandon Riga. Zemitans tries to get the fleeing troops to rally at Jugla, but it is the Riga Volunteers that save the day by holding their positions. In conjunction, the LSDSP under Celms sends out a general call to arms to the citizenry, rallying hundreds of residents to join in the defense of Riga. The fighting is fierce, but the Nationalists come out on top. It is during those cold October and November days that Julijs Celms received the Lacplesu Ordenis for not only rallying the people to battle, but for the significant capture of a German outpost. The official version on the the L.k.o.k. Lāčplēša kaŗa ordeņa kavalieŗi website says his heroism was based on:

1919. g. 7. nov. pie Bolderājas C. ar kareivju vadu ienaidnieka aizmugurē ielenca Strelles māju, straujā uzbrukumā padzina no tās vāciešus, saņēma gūstekņus, ieguva 22 zirgus un 2 ložmetējus, sacēla paniku ienaidnieka aizmugurē. Kā Tautas Padomes loceklis lielā mērā sekmēja garastāvokļa uzlabošanos mūsu karaspēkā.

Approximate English translation: On November 7, 1919 near Bolderjas Center, the platoon snuck up surprising the Germans with their sudden attack while driving the Germans out of their positions, freeing Latvian prisoners of war, acquiring 22 horses, 2 automatic machine guns and created general panic in the German ranks to give the Latvians a tactical battle advantage. And, as a member of Latvia’s Constitutional Assembly, such heroic action by Celms inspired and motivated the Latvian troops and citizenry to continue their fight in the defense of Riga.

Following the war, Julijs Celms would later be one of the men who would help write the Latvian Constitution "Satversme," and is elected to serve in the all four Latvian Parliament "Saeime." -from 1922 to Ulmanu closing of Parliament in May, 1934. Further, as Director and later, Chairman of the Bank of Latvia (Treasurer) he advocates a policy of keeping the Lats (Latvian currency) on a gold standard by decreasing the money supply as a means of dealing with a global economic crisis. With regard to Julijs being head of the Latvian Bank, I have not done any analytical work as to what his fiscal or monetary policies were like and what impact they had to the Latvian government at the time. Suffice it to say, times were not easy, so his task and efforts probably have good controversy from both sides of the spectrum. One fun element of this position was that Julijs signature appears on at least two Latvian bank notes I was able to find on eBay – the 1928 Latvian 25 Lats note and the 1929 Latvian 500 Lats note which I have framed in my den. Frankly, the are readily available on eBay – but not particularly cheap.

For those wondering about Julijs acquisition of the big Apgulde Manor estate, you need to understand that this was not a purchase but rather a gift by a nation rewarding its victorious solders in appreciations of their war efforts. According to history, officers in the Latvian Army and highly decorated enlisted men could obtain the manors and properties or, to be more precise, "muižas centri"; the centers of manors. This doesn't necessarily mean that there were any buildings left standing on them as many, including Abgulda were destroyed at various levels from the war. All veterans, not just officers were given expropriated German lands – gratis. Others had to pay (but not much) and most were also eligible for sizeable government loans. I haven't read any criticism of the mechanisms for distribution by the Latvian nation, because I believe it was very popular with the populace, as a large majority benefited from this land reform. But of course, the confiscation of land from the defeated Germans had vociferous criticism. In general, the Germans being Germans, they compiled massive amounts of impressive scholarly materials on their view of history in Latvia. From the discussions of land reform and land grants to officers, I gather that Apgulde was had about 50 hectares (~123 acres) of land, which probably covered about 2/3 of the Abgulda Ezers (lake) shoreline. As you can see from the pictures, the Manor home was very impressive, but severely damaged. My guess was that by the late 20’s it was remodeled as well as it could be, considering that it was primarily used as a summer home and quite frequently used for big Celms family Christmas events. It was about 25 kilometers west of Dobele and as Opap would describe, they would take the train to Dobele from Riga and the farm workers would have several horse sleighs awaiting the family and guests to go to Apgulde on a true Christmas open sleigh ride. Opap spent most summers at Apgulde from the age of 10 thru his university years. When Julijs died in 1935, Opap was a student at university and the property was sold as neither he nor Milda could pay the huge remodel and farm debts without the financial backing that Julijs was able to earn. Further, during these periods, farming was the number one export in Latvia, so Apgulde was truly run as a farm for profit, with numerous people both working the land, cattle and maintaining the Manor home and grounds. My guess was whilst Julijs was alive, the property prospered, but as the above article mentioned, loans were available to many for these properties and Opap said that the debts on the property were simply overwhelming.

The biggest opposition to the Social Democrats, the furthest party to the left, was obviously the right wing. The Social Democrats were the largest party in the Saeima and was always able to force a collation of sorts. Julijs stance was always strong against the far right, especially during the emergence of National Socialism in Europe in the early 30s (Nazism). Inesis Feldmanis argues through the examining the analyses of the Latvian intelligence agencies, which concluded that in the 1920s the political efforts of the Baltic Germans were not dangerous to the Latvian state and were primarily devoted to consolidating their rights as a minority. But the same "Polītpārvalde" saw plenty of reasons for concern in the 1930s, because the Nazis ideas swept through the German community like wildfire, especially among young Germans. Veidnieks, the same Minister of the Interior whose statements are quoted in Martuzāns' day-by-day account of the resettlement, expressed astonishment at how swiftly Nazism spread through the German schools, churches, and many organizations in Latvia (the German Lutheran Church was completely separate from the Latvian Lutheran Church).

Your grandfather, Celms, was part of a group in the Saeima that demanded that action be taken in 1933, when 322 Reichsdeutsche (as opposed to Volksdeutsche; i.e., citizens of the Reich) returned to Rīga from Tilsit, where they had participated in the Reichstag elections. Upon their return, they were met at the train station by 200 Social Democrats and a mêlée ensued. Action was taken, with the Saeima voting on 17 March 1933, 41-14, to expel fascist foreigners, shut down their organizations, and close their newspapers and to do the same for Latvian fascists and their organs. This bill was passed "by accident" (note only 55 votes; 45 weren't present or abstained), but the law was not supported by either the Skujenieks nor the Bļodnieks government. The German Foreign Ministry noted that the unclear law placed Latvia in a difficult position. A crackdown did take place, however, with Germany threatening to expel several hundred Latvian Jews from the Reich {! these tragic ironies) because of Latvia's attempts to prevent the local head of the Nazi underground from returning to Rīga.

Things continued in this confused state for some time. The Social Democrats attacked the Bļodnieks government more than they attacked the Nazis, according to Feldmanis, accusing him of aiding the rise of fascism, and in doing so they helped pave the way for Ulmanis' coup. The Baltic German leadership was conservative and did not support the Nazis, but in the spring of 1934 it appeared that that the Nazis would seize power within the community and after the coup, their Rigaer Tageszeitung was closed and various members of their "Brotherhood" tried and sentenced (25 receiving brief prison terms). The Nazis later took control of the main German language newspaper, Rigasche Rundschau, and by 1938 a Nazi, Alfred Intelmann, was the elected head of the community. Six members of the underground had also been tried 1935, and in their trial Mein Kampf was being used to show how their ideology was inimical to Latvia. With Ulmanis having to tread carefully as the threat from Germany increased, prosecutions fell off and efforts to curtail their activities were confined to things like a 1939 law banning Nazi uniforms and military training. Interior Minister Veidnieks was pleased by the cosmetic effects.

In March of 1934, Prime Minister Ulmanis declared a state of emergency and, although the constitution was not formally abolished, he governed by decree from then on. Saeima, the parliament, was ignored and stripped of all power. The press was severely censored, and opposition parties were “temporally jailed” on trumpet up sedition charges. Over 2,000 Social Democrats were imprisoned or placed in a concentration camp in Liepaja, Julijs Celms, amongst them. Some might refer to these as detentions, as most Social Democrats with released within six months and returned to society, but without a political base and generally, deprived of their previous jobs in the government.

Julijs Celms was arrested by the Ulmanu regime on May 15, 1934 when they went around to all their homes and arrested them – generally on the illegal possession of weapons. Supposedly, the Social Democrat sporting hall, which had rifles and guns for sporting uses, was broken into by the Ulmanu people and the Social Democrats were accused of stashing weapons for a coupe of their own. And, it was true that Julijs kept a revolver in his home for private protection, which was apparently illegal. This is a subject of great debate – with little fact as no investigation into this was possible sense Ulmanis ruled with a strong arm and the history disappeared after the Communist takeover in 1939. On November 27, Julijs was convicted in the Riga court and was sentenced to 4 months in the Riga Central Prison. His sentence was reduced to 3 months because he was a decorated war veteran and a Lacplesa ordean kavalerim. Returning home, he died in May of 1935 of complications on a simple appendicitis operation. His burial had all the honors of a man of state and a military hero. He was lead by a military horse caisson procession through the streets of Riga to Barlu Kapos (see pictures) as my guess is that despite their political differences, Ulmanis alwasy had great respect for Julijs Celms and his role in Latvia’s independence – as at that time, they were all brothers in arms.

P.S. Regarding your grandfather and those "weapons of mass destruction," as Pete put it, the supposed cache of weaponry consisted of 150 pistols, to be used for... a coup! The attorney Zāmuels dared to note that completely different persons should be charged with staging a coup (i.e., Ulmanis and friends), for which he was dressed down by the court. Cielēns writes at length about the trial. According to Dunsdorfs, this episode did tremendous damage to Latvia's image abroad, with the Swedish media writing about the trial as "a comedy unworthy of a civilized country" and the governments of the Czech Republic, Denmark and other countries lodging protests whilst other statesmen demanded that the press be allowed to follow the proceedings.

In Voldemārs Bastjānis memoirs, the volume titled "Gala sākums". Much about your ancestor Jūlijs Celms is there. In his account of the night of el Vadonis' coup d'etat, Bastjanis, apparently Julijs’ closest friend, was also arrested and his wife knew only to turn to Julijs and go to his house for help, only to find that Julijus too had been arrested that night.

“Otrā rītā pēc baigās nakts, mana sieva, nesaprazdama ko iesākt, aizsteidzās pie mūsu drauga, arī Saeimas deputāta - Jūlija Celma, lai informētos par nakts notikumiem un dabūtu kādu skaidrību. Celma dzīvoklī policija viņu aizturējusi un prasījusi, ko viņa meklējot. Sieva atbildējusi, ka nākusi pie Celma palīdzību un padomu meklēt. "Pie Celma?"- policisti un aizsargi smējušies. "Jā, pie Celma", - sieva atbildējusi. "Viņš ir Latvijas aizstāvis, Lāčplēša ordeņa kavalieris un ģenerāļa Baloža draugs. Kur tad lai es eju? Taču ne uz Polītisko pārvaldi, kas mūsu dzīvokļa durvis salauza un manu vīru jau aizveda".

Kad "kārtības sargi" manu sievu tomēr aizturējuši un ārā vairs nav laiduši, paziņojot, ka viņa arestēta, sieva sašutumā un izmisumā saukusi: "Mūsu dzīvokļa durvis izlauztas, bērni vieni paši mājās, tos var aizvest, dzīvokli izlaupīt - kas par to atbildēs? Vai jūs - policisti un aizsargi?

Kārtības sargi, resp. Celma dzīvoklī atstātie policijas slazdi, lai arestētu visus, kas tur ierastos, beidzot aptvēruši situāciju, bet, nezinādami ko darīt, zvanījuši uz Polītisko pārvaldi un, atkārtojot sievas teikto, prasījuši norādījumus. Pēc telefona sarunas sieva arī atbrīvota.

Additional tidbits of Julijs are mentioned below. Putting all this in historical perspective, young readers must understand that although initially, the Social Democrats had majority control of Parliament and were exceedingly popular – their popularity in time waned as more conservative movements captured the country thru right wing advocates. Further, one need remember, that Stalin and the Soviets kept agitating Latvia from the left. Communism was illegal in Latvia, but not silent. The tensions at the time were merely reflecting the pending doom coming over Europe and all sides reacting to their strategic advantage – with Ulmanis in the middle, trying to balance the risks. The more right wing Nationalist elements wanted less state control and had strong anti Communist tendencies. Social Democrats on the political spectrum were only slightly to the right of Communist and most of Europe in the early thirties began entertaining right wing governments (Germany with Hitler, Italy with Mussolini, and Spain with Franco). Accordingly, Julijs and Social Democrats were progressively getting attack by the far right and the political middle which supported Karlis Ulmanis and his Siemneiku Party (Farmers Party). Further, one also has to understand that probably a big majority of the expatriated Latvian refugees in Diaspora were essentially Ulmanits – supporters of Ulmanu policies in most expatriate newspapers and their social discussions. So criticism of the Social Democrats in Trimda often becomes more political than factual. For example, in the late 40s, an ongoing struggle existed between Diaspora Latvians as to who would best represent Latvian refugee interests in negotiating with the NATO victors – the exiled Ulmanu government who had essentially aligned with the Nazi right, or the Social Democrats who congregated in Stockholm and had resisted the Nazi tendencies from the very beginning. Who had greater credibility with the Allied forces? So, obviously, the politics are highly suspect in the material one reads.

Additional information provided by Roberts which makes mention of Julijs Celms and Latvia’s history: “As far as your ancestor Julijs, there is a lot said about him. By now you have probably seen much of the negative "parmetumi" (criticism) about him. I for one think he was a great patriot, stood firm in his beliefs and stayed true to his ideals and to the country and people he loved. He gets frequently and honorably mentioned in "Vel Cina nav gala..." by Dr. Bruno Kalnins. Also, in "Latvijas Socialdemokratijas 50 gadi" by same author has a lot of info and personal background on what the people of the time were like.

In Stockholm, I met and interviewed Dr. Bruno Kalnins, who was himself on hand for Latvija's proclamation, went to Liepaja and witnessed the events that occurred there, supported the Nationalist government through the darkest of days, joined the Latvian Army, helped capture Needra and deliver him to the ship "Saratov", worked with Balodis and helped form the Riga Volunteer units, was privy to the communications between Col. Jansons and Col. Balodis, was present when Julijs Celms was given the mission to cross the lines to tell Zemitans that the Riga units were loyal to Latvian Nationalists. All of this can be found in his book, "Vel Cina Nav Gala..." Documenting Balodis military communications is the Armijas Stabs archive collection "Latvijas Brivibas Kars." Janson's telegram to Balodis can also be found in "Valmieras Pulku Vesture, Page 128" if you can find one with that page intact.

Hold up right there, Bruno! You called the Socialists abandoning the National Council a "selfish" act. What do you suppose motivated them to do that, on 30 December 1918? Could it be what Ulmanis did the day before on 29 December 1918? Maybe the sociki were selfish, because Ulmanis was too damn generous! In a very interesting meeting between Ulmanis and August Winnig, Paegle witnesses Ulmanis agreeing to give full citizenship and land to ALL Germans who fight on behalf of the Iron Division and Landeswehr. Also, there is an agreement on how to divide up to 1/3 of Latvias land to the German Barons - see Spricis Paegle, "Ka Latvijas Valsts Tapa;" Winnig "Am Ausgang; Winning "Heimkehr;" Andreews Needra "Latwijas Tautas Teesiskee Pamati;" Erich Koehrer "Das wahre des Bolschewismus! Tatsachen-Berichts-Bilder aus den baltischen Provincen November 1918 - Februar 1919."

The Social D's quit the National Union only after Ulmanis Promised Land and citizenship to the Germans. True, there were lots of rumblings in the LSD meetings on the days before. Remember, the LSD membership voted to join the National Union only by the very slimmest of margins, owing to the oratory of Kalnins, Kalnins and Celms. Also consider that the rank and file saw the "Big" brothers coming back into town and the English warships steaming out to sea. In the end, you are correct, Ulmanis gave the Germans neither land nor citizenship. Perhaps that was the first of his many broken political promises!

In closing, an anecdote, (supposedly true, but no way in hell of ever proving) about Celms' ancestor. Julijs Celms was originally from Valka/Valga (aka Wolk). In the days of Independence, one of his childhood friends came to visit Riga. This friend was a respected member of Estonia's parliament, just as Celms was a respected member of Saeima. The friend was given State Welcome and made an address heard over Latvian Radio. To impress the locals, Celms' friend gave his speech in Latvian. What he meant to say to Celms' grandfather:

"Once, you were my schoolmate, now we are both brothers of the government service fraternity!" ("Reiz biji mans skolu biedrs, tagad esi mans "portfelju" biedrs!"). Given a linguistic peculiarity, native Estonian speakers find it difficult to form the the "B" sound. Case in point, Estonian Kroons are not guaranteed by a bank, but by "Eesti Pank." What the populace swears they heard: "Reiz bij' man' skolu piedirs, tagad esi man' portfel' piedirs!" ("You once disrespected my school. Now you have taken a crap in my attache' case!")

Elizabete Rutens provide me these election results of the first four Saeimas elections, Jūlijs Celms stood for election in both the Vidzeme and Zemgale electoral districts. The results are summarized below:

JŪLIJS CELMS Vidzeme (votes for Celms) Position in Vidzemes LSDSP list after election Zemgale (votes for Celms) Position in Zemgales LSDSP list after election Total # of votes for Celms** % of the national vote for Celms Total # of LSDSP candidates elected in LV

4th Saeima election 1931 52,645 11th out of 23 26,619* 2nd out of 15 79,264 8.13% 21

3rd Saeima election 1928 67,805* 4th out of 24 37,395 3rd out of 15 105,200 11.21% 25

2nd Saeima election 1925 59,608 11th out of 23 37,968 4th out of 15 97,576 11.63% 32

1st Saeima election 1922 76,270* 15th out of 26 38,011 10th out of 15 114,281 14.27% 30

• I’ve bolded the numbers from the district from which he was elected. Unfortunately, I currently don't have this data for the 1925 election, so I don’t know whether he won his seat in the 2nd Saeima from Vidzeme or Zemgale. (Btw, Vidzeme had roughly twice as many voters as did Zemgale, so the number of votes he received in these constituencies doesn’t necessarily indicate that he was more popular in Vidzeme than Zemgale.)
  • (6th column) both now and during the 1st Republic, Latvian voters are given as many preferential votes as there are representatives to be elected from their district. In other words, they may cast a vote for or against each candidate on their chosen party’s slate. In addition, the electoral system for the 1st thru 4th Saeima permitted panachage, which allowed the electorate to cast these votes for (or against) candidates regardless of their party affiliation; someone who chose a party other than LSDSP was permitted to cross out the name of an undesirable candidate and write in your grandfather’s name and this vote was counted in his total. So these numbers reflect not just voters for the LSDSP slate in the two districts where he ran, but also include all voters in Vidzeme and Zemgale who cast a vote for your grandfather.
• * * *

Jāni, out of the 203 deputies elected during the 1st Republic, your grandfather was one of only 31 members of parliament who was elected to all four Saeimas. He entered the 1st Saeima, along with 26 other legislators – arguably our ‘founding fathers’ – who had served as elected representatives to the Satversmes Sapulce. Even though virtually every Saeimas incumbent ran for re-election in the subsequent nine years, by 1931 when the 4th Saeima was elected, your grandfather was one of only 19 ‘founding fathers’ of Latvia, who had continually served in parliament. Something else worth mentioning is that he continued to be re-elected even though LSDSP by the 3rd and 4th Saeimas began losing seats; see the last column in the table. In part, the decline of LSDSP has been attributed to 1) factions within LSDSP splitting off & creating their own parties (e.g., the so-called ‘mensheviks’ headed by Skujenieks); 2) the communists by 1928 no longer boycotting elections as they had for the first two Saeimas; and 3) the unhappiness of the electorate that LSDSP was in a constant ‘state of war’ with the nationalist parties that formed the governments. (Clearly, this last point is rather subjective and the author was from a very conservative party, which was to the right of Ulmanis.) However, your grandfather’s success is especially noteworthy because in 1928 & 1931 some LSDSP incumbents lost their seats to new candidates from their own party. Since I'm not examining the legislative record nor newspaper accounts that reveal scandals that might have had a negative impact on the re-election prospects of incumbents, I can't draw any conclusions about why your grandfather was so successful. But I do tend to think that we voters are a bit brighter than many give us credit and there must have been reasons why he was re-elected when others from his party were not.

______________________________________

Books written by Julijs Celms that I found at the Latvian Public Library:

1. Algebriska uzdevumu atvisinasanas metodes: Praktiks vidussk. Kursu atkart. 1922 – 1927

2. Aritmetiski uzdevumi, Pirmmacibas skolam 6, Valters & Rapa 1921

3. Aritmetiski uzdevum, Pirmmacibas skolam 5, Valters & Rapa 1920

4. Aritmetiski uzdevumi, Krajums prieks, Pirmmacibas taut skolam: Valters & Rapa 1906

Additional editions printed 1908, 1909, 1910

5. Ievadijums rekinazanas maciba 1913, Skaitlu un trigometriska lielum logaritmu tabulas

Additional editions printed 1921, 1923, 1926, 1927, 1929, 1933, 1937

6. Par cilvecas attistibu 1904

The book store Valter & Rapa still exists across from Riga Hotel. Maybe they have copies of all these books in the inventory somewhere. I remain surprised where Julijs found the time to continue writing classroom text boxes during this period of political turmoil. I have one copy of a textbook, which frankly is a very thorough high school level algebra textbook.

• ***********************************

___________________________________

FROM THE L.k.o.k. Lāčplēša kaŗa ordeņa kavalieŗi website, we have this information about Julijs.

LKOK nr.3/280

Celms, Jūlijs

Virsleitnants 8. Daugavpils kājnieku pulkā.

• 1879. g. 29. septembrī Pedeles pagastā.

+ 1935. g. 9. maijā Rīgā.

[Apbed%C4%ABts Brāļu kapos Rīgā.]

Apbalvots par uzbrukumu 1919. g. 7. novembrī pie Strelles mājām ienaidnieka aizmugurē Bolderājas rajonā.

Bijis Tautas Padomes loceklis, Satversmes Sapulces deputāts, Saeimas deputāts 1., 2. un 3. Saeimā. L.k.o, domes loceklis līdz 1928. gadam.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

CELMS JŪLIJS Pētera dēls

8. Daugavpils kājn. pulka virsleitnants.

Ordenis piešķirts 1920. gadā

Dzimis 1879. g. 29. sept. Pedeles (Lugažu) pag. 1900. g. beidzis Baltijas skolotāju semināru Kuldīgā. 1906. g., pārkrievošanas politikas spiests, skolotāja darbu atstājis, kā eksternis nolicis eksāmenu pilna ģimnāzijas kursa apmērā un studējis tautsaimniecību Maskavas komercinstitūtā.

Krievu armijā iesaukts 1916. g., dienējis kājniekos, 1917. g. febr. paaugst. par virsnieku. Piedalījies kaujās Minskas gub. un Austrijas frontē Bukovinā. Apbalv. ar Jura krusta IV šķ. Demobilizēts 1918. g. martā, Latvijā atgriezies nov. Piedalījies Latvijas Tautas Padomes dibināšanā un valsts proklamēšanā. Bijis Rīgas pilsētas valdes un domes loceklis līdz lielinieku iebrukumam.

Latvijas armijā iestājies brīvprātīgi 1919. g. maijā, piedalījies cīņās pret landesvēru 2. Cēsu kājn. pulka sastāvā, vēlāk ieskaitīts 8. Daugavpils kājn. pulkā, kura rindās cīnījies pret bermontiešiem.

1919. g. 7. nov. pie Bolderājas C. ar kareivju vadu ienaidnieka aizmugurē ielenca Strelles māju, straujā uzbrukumā padzina no tās vāciešus, saņēma gūstekņus, ieguva 22 zirgus un 2 ložmetējus, sacēla paniku ienaidnieka aizmugurē. Kā Tautas Padomes loceklis lielā mērā sekmēja garastāvokļa uzlabošanos mūsu karaspēkā.

1920. g. 1. jūn. atvaļināts, ievēlēts Satversmes Sapulcē, vēlāk arī 1., 2. un 3. Saeimā, darbojies sociāldemokrātu frakcijā, domes loceklis līdz 1928. g. nov. Bijis Saeimas finanšu un arī budžeta komisijas priekšsēdētājs. Kopš 1920. g. Rīgas pilsētas Diskonta bankas direktors, 1927.-1934. g. Latvijas bankas padomes priekšsēdētājs. Piešķirta jaunsaimn. Auru pag.

1935. g. kā Latvijas Sociāldemokrātiskās strādnieku partijas līderis sodīts ar 1 gada un 4 mēnešu cietumsodu par ieroču glabāšanu. Miris 1935. g. 10. maijā. Apbedīts Rīgā, Brāļu kapos.

http://www.lkok.com/detail1.asp?ID=299

_________________________

Šī sadaļa ir izstrādes stadijā

Izvēlēties literātu

Literāts: Celms Jūlijs

Žurnālists, sabiedrisks darbinieks.

Biogrāfija: 1879. 29. 09.Pedeles pag.- 1935. 09. 05. Rīgā. Apbedīts Brāļu kapos.

Beidzis Baltijas skolotāju semināru Kuldīgā 1900.gadā. Darbojies LSDSP. Bijis jau 1905. gadā "Pēterburgas Avīžu" redakcijas loceklis ( rakstījis ar pseidonīmu "Almokrats") . Darbojies "Dienas Lapā", "Jaunā Dienas Lapā", nelegālā "Cīņā" u.c. 1911.gadā bija "Laika Balss" faktiskais redaktors, rakstījis "Sociāldemokrātā". No 1916.gada līdz 1918.gadam dienējis Krievijas armijā, pēc tam no 1919.gada līdz 1920.gadam Latvijas armijā . Piedalījies Cēsu kaujās , cīņās pret bermontiešiem. No 1920.gada līdz 1922.gadam ir Satversmes sapulces deputāts un no 1922.gada līdz 1931.gadam Saeimas deputāts. Laikraksta " Talsu Vēstnesis" redaktors : 1926.- 1929.g. Publicējis rakstus par Latvijas ekonomiku, strādnieku kustību Latvijā, latviešu strēlniekiem, Latvijas Brīvības cīņām . Apbalvots ar Lāčplēša kara ordeni (III šķira, 1920.g.) , Krievijas Sv. Jura krustu (IV šķ.).

Atsauces un avoti:

Lāčplēša kara ordeņa kavalieri. Rīga, 1995, 114.lpp.

Latvijas enciklopēdija. Galv.red.H.Jubels. 1.sēj. R.: V.Belkoņa izdevniecība, 2002, 868.lpp.

Prande A. Latvju rakstniecība portrejās. Rīga, 1926, 302.lpp.

Par viņu:

Plašāku informāciju varat iegūt NB www.lnb.lv katalogos 

Elektroniskie resursi:

Latvijas Republikas Saeima - 2.Saeimas deputāts.

Latvijas Republikas Saeima - 3. Saeimas deputāts.

Prezidenta kancelejas mājas lapa - Lāčplēša ordeņa kavalieris.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

PLEASE FIND BELOW MY DAUGHTER, ELIZABETH CELMS, SENIOR THESIS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON – BALTIC STUDIES PROGRAM 2003 - DELIBERATING THE SUBTLE DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATS AND COMMUNISTS AND THEIR IDEOLOGY FOR LATVIA'S INDEPENDENCE, INTERSPERCED WITH PERSONAL REFLECTIONS ON HER TRIPS TO LATIVIA AS SHE LEARNS MORE AND MORE ABOUT JULIJS CELMS AND HIS BACKGROUND. ALSO, WHILE SHE WAS EDITOR OF THE BALTIC TIMES ~ 2004 TO 2007 ~ SHE PUBLISHED A SHORTENED VERSION FOR LATVIJAS UNIVERSITATES ON THEIR PHILOSOPHY WEBSITE BELOW. The pictures she sites in the document will be generally posted in Julijs photo section below. The web site is:

http://filozofija.lu.lv/celms.html

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Elizabeth Celms

Baltic Studies Program

Senior Thesis

University of Washington

June 5, 2003

Voices of a Revolution:

Jūlijs Celms, Cīņa and the Latvian Social Democrats

    *

* *
A small, blond, seven-year-old boy with his father’s eyes cautiously peeked from behind the satin curtains of the National Theater in Riga. It was a cloudy fall night with the sharp crispness of an early Baltic winter in the air. At approximately 6 o’clock on November 18, 1918, the little eavesdropper watched as his father, only a few feet away, stood proudly with eight of his fellow Social Democrats and 30 members of the People’s Council to declare the Republic of Latvia as an independent state.

Earlier that evening, Jūlijs Celms, a Latvian Social Democrat and later a four term member of Saeima (Latvian Parliament), had told his son, Aleksandrs, that if he promised to be very quiet and behave, he could share the stage - from behind the curtain of course - with Latvia’s most revered political figures during this historic moment. So the little boy kept as quiet as a mouse while he witnessed his father participate in one of the most triumphant moments of Latvia’s history.

• * *

The Latvian Social Democrat Workers’ Party (LSDSP) was officially established in 1904. Following the Jaunā Strāva (New Current) movement of the late 1800s, the Latvian Social Democrats pursued the rights of the working class and fueled the revolution against the bourgeois oppressors through their political movements, social agitation, and their party newspaper, Cīņa (the struggle) . The activity of the Social Democrats and the working class climaxed during the 1905 Russian Revolution and again during the 1917 revolution, leading up to Latvia’s independence. Many historians refer to this period in Latvia as the “national movement.” However, an independent Latvia was not on the minds of the working class or the social democrats during this uprising.

When Latvia declared independence at the end of World War One in 1918, it was essentially possible due to the collapse of the two great powers; Germany and Russia. Although the LSDSP and the workers’ revolution were not directly responsible for independence, indirectly the movement was a major factor in Latvia’s ability to declare sovereignty. Independence was certainly not the aim of the movement, but it was a by-product and the LSDSP played a significant role in its success.

The socialist ideology in Latvia took root with the industrial revolution at the turn of the 20th century. Latvians who were once agrarian serfs moved to the factories of Riga, Ventspils, and Jelgava. However, the exploitation of the working people continued in the cities’ industrial factories and workshops. In this setting, the Marxist notion of supporting people’s rights against the capitalist class soon developed. Socialist parties began to form in Latvia. Workers began to organize and protest for their rights. An uprising began.

Led by the LSDSP, the proletarian movement that began in 1904 unified and strengthened the Latvian working class in a collective struggle against the oppressing German and Russian powers. Cīņa clearly voices these unified feelings of proletarian revolution and unification. Although in some of the poetry there are scarce hints towards the idea of a free state, the overall tone of Cīņa is dominantly proletarian. A convergence of Latvian nationalism and social democracy did not arise until the opportunity for independence presented itself at the end of the World War One.

One of the events leading up to this convergence was when the Latvian Social Democrats split in 1917. The more Nationalist inclined party members became Menshevik-Unionists and joined with other political groups in the process of declaring national independence. The more Internationalists turned to Bolshevik-Leninism and took Cīņa with them to Russia. This split symbolized the end of and era for Cīņa and the convergence of Social Democracy and Latvian independence.

Through its articles, headlines, announcements, and poetry, Cīņa voices the political objectives of the LSDSP, their incitement of the workers’ revolution, and their abhorrence towards their oppressors; both the Baltic German nobility and the Russian Tsar. The developing freedom of the press with the publication of this newspaper gave the working people a voice for the first time in Latvia. Cīņa’s wide distribution and radical avocations greatly contributed to the workers’ uprising, which eventually led to the collapse of the Tsarist and Baltic German empires.

However, before discussing the LSDSP newspaper, one must go back to the late 1800s and the Jaunā Strāva (New Current) movement in Latvia. The Jaunā Strāva movement and its newspaper Dienas Lapa, which was founded in 1886 by F. Bergmans, symbolize the birth of the socialist ideology in Latvia. In 1888 the newspaper took a more radical tone under the editorship of political activist Pēteris Stučka and then Jānis Rainis from 1891 to 1897; both of whom published articles promoting the party’s radical socialist ideals. “It doesn’t frighten us that the ideal is far and difficult to achieve, to make up for it, on the contrary, this ideal is higher and nobler and it is even more worth it to strive for it.”

Jaunā Strāva mainly consisted of university students and workers who discussed and devoted themselves to European socialist literature and the ideologies of leading European socialists such as Germans Karl Marx, Karl Kautsky, August Bebel, and Wilhelm Liebknecht and Russia’s Vladimir Lenin. The group published these ideas as well as information on the socialist movement in other parts of Europe and some party propaganda in Dienas Lapa, which Latvian Social Democrat Bruno Kalniņš later describes as, “a powerful weapon of agitation in the hands of the first Latvian socialists.”

Due to its socialist content, Dienas Lapa was shut down in 1897. The organization disintegrated when many of the members, including Stučka and Rainis, were arrested and exiled or fled to avoid persecution. The Russian Imperial government, fearing the Marxist position of the movement, closed down Dienas Lapa because of its associated activities in obtaining and distributing illegal literature from abroad. The arrests of the Jaunā Strāva members resulted in a decline of socialist activity in Latvia until the emergence of the LSDSP in 1904. Although in and out of exile over the next twenty years, Stucka and Rainis re-emerged as critical members of the LSDSP and major contributors to Cīņa from both Latvia and abroad.

Amidst a time of industrialization, growing city population, grueling working conditions, and a brewing proletarian Riga, the First Congress of the Latvian Social Democrats was held in June 1904. During this meeting, a decision was made to not join the Russian Social Democratic Workers Party (RSDWP). Between June 20th and 23rd, the LSDSP was established along with the first legal publication of their newspaper Cīņa. The paper was published abroad by Roziņš’ press in Bern, Switzerland and sent into Latvia. In the beginning, 3,000 copies of the publication were printed once a month. However, according to Kalniņš, the newspaper was read by five times that many people because it was passed on from hand to hand.

In Russia, a similar social democratic movement was flourishing under the RSDWP and their party organ Pravda. Ethnically based socialist organizations in Russia, which included Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians and Jews, collaborated with Russians in opposition to the aristocracy of St. Petersburg. The growing agitation among the proletariat of St. Petersburg and Moscow influenced similar uprisings in Latvia. This developed into a mutual pattern of back and forth agitation between Russia and Latvia.

    *

* *

Shortly after the 1905 Revolution, Jūlijs Celms, his wife Milda and his newly born daughter Laima joined the exodus of nearly 8,000 Baltic revolutionaries sent into exile. As an editor of Cīņa, the Latvian Social Democrat newspaper, and one of the most active members of his party, there was no way Jūlijs could conceal his political beliefs. Along with fellow Social Democrats Jānis Rainis and Peteris Stučka, Jūlijs and his family were forced to leave Latvia.

The refugee family first left for Helsinki, where Jūlijs continued to edit Cīņa under the pseudonym “Almokrats” until he moved to Moscow some time during 1909. In Moscow, he became actively involved with the local exiled Latvian community and continued to utilize his political experience and audaciousness to fuel the Social Democrat movement abroad. Keeping the surname “Almokrats”, Jūlijs edited the Latvian newspaper “Laika Balss” until he returned with his family to Riga in 1918. He was one of the many exiles that helped keep Latvia updated with the latest news and progress in the workers’ revolution in Russia.

Jūlijs joined his younger brother Teodors, who later became one of Latvia’s most respected philosophers, in attending Moscow University where he studied to become a math teacher and wrote several textbooks on mathematics, which he continued to write and publish after he returned to Latvia in 1918.

Amidst this flurry of revolution, workers’ strikes, editing newspapers and studying mathematics, Jūlijs’ son, Aleksandrs, was born on August 10, 1911. Throughout the years of revolution, war and the blooming of Latvia’s independence, Jūlijs kept Aleksandrs by his side, raising him as a loyal Latvian, a loyal democrat, and a loyal son. Aleksandrs was Jūlijs’ only son. The only son to pass on the Celms name. The only son to pass on the Celms eyes.

• * *

Serving as the public voice for the LSDSP, the content of Cīņa promoted social democratic ideals, the struggle of the working class and the eight hour work day, and the prompting for proletarian revolution in Latvia. The party motto published in the paper’s first issue in March of 1904 encompasses the overall goals of the party.

Motto:

Come workers. Stand in groups,

Because now the big struggle soon will start.

Already the battle flag flutters,

Now the people will rescue themselves.

We want to give to all the people what the sun, air and earth Gives, and what science is able to invent.

That is the highest goal for our struggle:

That golden morning of freedom.

We must win, because the people are with us.

The editors of Cīņa published this poem in their first issue to serve as the party “motto”. This clearly idealistic motto introduces the tone of Cīņa that was somewhat constant over the next thirteen years of its publication until the newspaper took a dramatic turn in 1917. The first sentence of the motto addresses the paper’s intended audience, the “workers”. This proves the well-established fact that Cīņa was aimed at the working class of Latvia. One must also note that the extended title of the paper is Cīņa; Baltijas Latviešu Sociāldemokrātiskās Strādnieku Organizācijas izdevums. (The Struggle; Baltic Latvian Social-Democratic Workers’ Organization Publication).

When the motto mentions “our struggle”, it refers to the working class struggle against the oppressing powers; Tsarist Russia and the Baltic German autocracy. However, the “people” in the motto is a somewhat ambiguous term. On the surface, it represents the working people introduced in the first sentence. But, since the publishers of Cīņa are writing in Latvian (the LSDSP was not part of the RSDRP), the “people” can also be defined as the Latvian people.

Furthermore, Kalniņš proves that working class can arguably be associated with Latvians. Although there were several ethnicities that made up the proletariat in Latvia, Kalniņš points out that the majority were Latvian. He explains that the characteristic feature of the Latvian party was that more than 70 percent of its members were workers, whereas the membership of the Russian Social Democratic Party came mostly from the ranks of the intelligentsia. Although in 1904 these editors could not have foreseen Latvian independence, in mentioning “our” struggle for “freedom”, the motto creates a sense of unity that can be applied both to the working class and the Latvian people. It is this sense of unity and revolt that strengthens the Latvian working class and allows them to rise up against the Baltic Germans and the Russians.

• *

With the Easter smell of vinegar hanging in the air and the starchy aftertaste of hard boiled eggs lingering on our tongues, my father, sister and I steal away from the kitchen where our onion wrapped eggs are boiling and get lost in the world of archives and photo albums in my grandmother’s bedroom. Soon we are sitting in a pile of black and white photographs, yellowed newspaper clippings, and carefully preserved diplomas, certificates, and military honors. As we flip through the photo albums we awe at the almost identical resemblance between my father and my great-grandfather, my brother and my grandfather, and my youngest sister and my grandmother. Somehow the resemblance is always in the eyes.

Krista poses to look exactly like Omam in the photograph of her wedding. Yup, it’s those same dark eyes that Krista always tries to cover up with concealer and eye shadow, we laugh.

(Pictures of Aleksandrs and Emma (Omam), Laima and Aleksandrs – circa 1918

Omams and Opaps wedding - 1944

Then we tease my brother Kārlis. We always catch him with the same dazed into nowhere look that Opaps shows in a picture taken with his older sister when he was about six. Laima is looking directly at the camera for the photo, but Opaps – just like Kārlis – is gazing away from the camera, lost in space.

Then we tease Paps, laughing at the stern face he always pulls on in a “serious” discussion. We always know that the dinner conversation is turning “serious” when Paps’ eyes suddenly furrow, he purses up his mouth and sort of pulls his head into his neck. Now we know who he gets this expression from, we laugh, looking at a photograph of Jūlijs Celms. Now all Paps needs is the fuzzy caterpillar moustache.

As we flip through page after page of photographs we realize how important these people are and how much history we have, folded away in these pages. In almost every photograph, Jūlijs is joined by members of the Latvian Social Democrat party and Saeima, receiving the Lāčplēša award from president Čakste, or posing in a sophisticated military uniform.

Then there are the pictures of his brother, Teodors, who looks as though he would be found in a text book next to a photograph of Nietzsche, Plato, or Einstein. His hair is furrowed like any great thinker who has neither time nor interest in self grooming. His eyes are deep and penetrating, as though he is pondering the meaning of life. And his finger is just slightly touching his chin – the quintessential philosopher. Teodors has every right to look like this. He was one of the greatest Latvian and European philosophers of his time. My father tells us that he is still highly regarded in Latvia and his books and studies on transcendental phenomenology continue to be debated by philosophers around the world today.

Picture of Philospher Teodors Celms – circa 1922

After spending three years studying philosophy under leading philosophers Heinrich Rickert and Edmund Husserl at the University of Freiburg in Germany, Teodors obtained a doctoral degree in philosophy in 1925. In the 1930s, Teodors published Latvian volumes in Riga including, “Tagadnes Problēmas” (The Problems of Today) in 1934 and “Patiesība un Šķitums” (Truth and Appearance) in 1939.

At the end of WWII, Teodors moved to Germany and then to Rock Island, Illinois in 1949 where he worked at Augustana College until he retired 14 years later. In America, Teodors wrote a book in German entitled, “Phänomen and Wirklichkeit des Ichs. Studien über das subjective Sein” (Phenomenon and Reality of I. Studies of the Subjective Being). The book, however, was never published. In 1989, Latvia’s most prominent philosopher died in Illinois. In 1993, the University of Latvia published a Centennial memorial book on Theodor Celms. His niece, Jelena Celms today is a Philosophy Professor at the University of Latvia carrying on his tradition.

“You know I think one of the most amazing things about our family history is how far they came in one generation. In one generation the rose from serfdom in the 1800s to the top rung of Latvian society as politicians, military heroes, and nationally recognized intellectuals,” my dad told us, and he was right.

It’s a strange feeling to find photographs of your great grandfather in Latvian history books, military records, and memoirs by great political leaders and world renowned historians like Brūno Kalniņš and Andrew Ezergailis. It’s even stranger to know that his grandparents were serfs, working long hours in the fields and struggling to get enough food on their plates to survive. According to the family tree my dad has on his wall, nine of their twelve children survived.

I remember the first time I went to Latvia in 1993. Only a couple of hours after we got off the plane, jet-lagged and hungry, my uncle drove us out to BrāĮu Kapi, where Jūlijs is buried. As I walked through the immense stone gate, past the gazing eyes of sculpted warriors on bucking horses and through the rows of carefully tended grave stones, I knew that I was someplace sacred.

Pictures of Jānis, Emma and Haralds Celms Jānis, Ali, Omam and I stand by by Jūlijs’ grave in Brāļu Kapi - 1983 Aleksandrs and Milda’s graves near Brāļu Kapi - 1993

Everywhere I went in that cemetery there was an aura of eternal heroism, military pride, patriotism, and the tranquil silence that can only be found in the presence of those now resting in peace. I remember we walked in complete silence, in complete respect. In the very middle of the cemetery, directly under the eyes of the Mother Māra statue that overlooks the gravestones, we found the stone bearing the name Jūlijs Celms. As I placed the flowers on Jūlijs’ gravestone, not knowing a thing about my great grandfather at the time, I realized that he must have been really important.

• * *

One of the main purposes of Cīņa was to incite its readers to get involved with the workers’ revolution and to spread the word to others. The paper was used not only to inform the public, but as a means of involving them as well. “We call on comrades to come and help us, to disseminate our publication widely, – to send in the news and material and to stir up questions...” The social democrat writers used a dramatic and passionately persuasive writing style in Cīņa that praises the freedom of the press and rouses a national sense of hatred for the oppressing autocracies.

But the free words will no longer be silenced in the Baltic! Our newspaper also will preach that: it will guard the workers’ true interests, illuminate life from their condition, wake up the sleepyheads, give courage to the fearful, and will call and assemble the conscientious Latvian proletariat to struggle and to win!

The phrase “Latvian proletariat” further proves Cīņa’s association between the Latvian people and the proletariat in the struggle against the bourgouise oppressors. In the birth of Cīņa, the Social Democrats bring back the passionate and radical style of writing that was characteristic of Dienas Lapa, and that ultimately led to its termination.

A month after the establishment of the LSDSP, Cīņa published a two page article describing the accomplishments of the First Congress and introducing this newly established party in greater detail to the public. “But the most important event remains the party’s unity. With deep happiness and satisfaction we no longer feel like individual workers, but like comrades, and like fighters in one large party.” Referring to the First Congress, the social democrats emphasize their excitement and happiness in the birth of this new movement in Latvia. They focus on the unity of the party as a positive strength, a strength that will carry them through the years until the party splits in 1917.

Once the authors introduce their happiness in forming a cohesive organization of Latvian social democrats, the article goes on to describe the successful agitation occurring in Riga as a result of party unification.

The reports on committee activities submitted at the congress testify that the Social Democratic movement in the Baltic has become a noticed power whose weight influences all daily life. The largest achievements are now visible in Riga. This can be seen by broad agitation over working conditions and improvements in all of Riga’s large factories, workshops and other local enterprises where exploitation, terrible work conditions and other violations from factory owners and managers exist almost everywhere.

Although it is impossible to know exactly how many people were influenced by Cīņa’s publication, significant uprisings among Riga’s working class have been well documented and reach a climax after the 1905 Russian Revolution. In addressing this question, historian Andrew Ezergailis points out that,

Most of the research and analysis has been done by Social Democrats, and it is natural to assume that they may have exaggerated the role of the Party. It does appear certain, however, that in many instances the Party provided the initial spark. It is known that the Social Democrats organized the armed “fighter” groups in the cities and in the country side, and that the majority of the “fighters” were Party people; no doubt the Party was also behind the general strikes in the cities.

In reaction to the January workers revolution in St. Petersburg, the LSDSP saw their chance to fuel a similar uprising among the working class in Latvia. The Social Democrats rallied for workers all over Latvia to strike using Cīņa as the main means of communication. According to Johnson, on the night of January 12, 1905, the Central Committee of the LSDSP issued 15,000 copies of a proclamation declaring a general strike.

In addition to St. Petersburg, the results in the Baltic, Poland and other countries were staggering. In Riga, January 13 was the most significant day of protesting. According to Ezergailis, the total number of workers striking in the streets reached 80,000 - 54,000 more than the previous day. A possible increase in protestors may be attributed to the LSDSP’s rallying efforts. A month later, Cīņa described the mass participation and significance of the event.

January’s events in St. Petersburg, the Baltic, Poland, and other parts of the country led to the first historical bloody drama, where Russia was the wide stage and the heroes were Russia’s proletariat. Hundreds and hundreds of thousands of workers walked out of the factories and workshops to join with St. Petersburg’s workers in their struggle against the autocracy…A new era began in our revolution movement.

Similar to the dramatic “Bloody Sunday” in St. Petersburg, the revolution in Riga was violent. The protesting workers encountered soldiers and police at the railway bridge over the Daugava River. Although the details of the confrontation are debated, ultimately the forces opened fire on the rowdy crowd, creating a scene of chaos. In the end, eight soldiers and seventy protesters were killed and two hundred were injured.

Cīņa later portrays this event, along with the strikes of subsequent months and years, as some of the most revered movements in proletarian history. Those who died in this battle would serve as martyrs and would be remembered and honored in Cīņa’s poetry and writing. The strikes were idealized as valiant episodes in the struggle for the rights of the working class and used as inspiration for further agitation and striking in subsequent years. In 1911, Cīņa published this passage to remind the working class about the glory of the 1905 and 1906 revolutions in an attempt to keep this struggle alive.

The 1905 and 1906 strike movement, that seemed dead long ago, shakes ahead again with new vigor and accomplishments…’All for one and one for all’- this slogan of the worker class burns again in the brilliance of lightning through factories full of smoke and steam, through sooty work areas, through workers’ basement and attic dwellings. What is most important and necessary for the success of the workers’ struggle has already been established: the proletariat has again regained trust in the power of their own class, goes again toward its own future goals, and is becoming again an organized power and therefore, long live the strike!

Cīņa has good reason to idealize and remember the revolutions of 1905 and 1906. Despite the fact that overall, they were not completely successful, they were arguably some of the most important events leading up to Latvia’s independence. Not only did the events unify the working class, but they also created a sense of power among the Latvians as a people. “There were two emotionally charged aspects to [the Revolution]: the sense of liberation experienced by the Latvians during the course of that Revolution, and the bloody suppression of it by a punitive expedition into Latvia in 1906/1907.”

Furthermore, the revolution in Latvia accomplished some important objectives for the LSDSP that were crucial in the later success of the party. In addition to achieving an eight-hour work day, among other workers’ rights, the revolution created a re-structuring of Latvian society and government free of German interference and Russian bureaucracy. Ezergailis goes on to summarize the changes saying that, in the ultimate sense, this was a demand for an autonomous Latvia within a free, federative Russia. These successes symbolize Latvia’s first step in rising above their German and Russian oppressors.

• *

My father passed on to me the story of Opaps hiding behind the curtain as a little boy during Latvia’s declaration of independence, just as he had heard it from his father. It is a heart warming story - a nice, short and simple family legend that connects our name to a historical moment through a young child’s memory. But for whatever reason, it is the only memory and the only story that has been passed on from that ceremonious day. It is the only family recollection of November 18 that lives on through the immortality of storytelling.

However, I have found traces of my great-grandfather’s presence at that event in other sources of history such as Brūno Kalninš’ memoirs. I have gained more insight on Jūlijs’ role in the Social Democrat Party, the days leading up to November 18, the night of proclamation, and the battles for Latvia over the following years from Kalniņš’ memoirs than any family source. In his memoirs, Vēl Cīņa Nav Galā and Latvijas Sociāldemokratijas Piecdesmit Gadi, Kalniņš reveals quotes by Jūlijs, the events he was a part of and the people he associated with, all the while revealing bits and pieces of the Latvian Social Democrat scene during those years. I have compiled and developed some quotes from Kalniņš’ memoirs that helped me paint a more detailed picture of my great grandfather’s role in Latvia’s independence and what went on during that historic November night.

According to Kalniņš and our own family records, Jūlijs returned to Riga from Moscow to join the growing activity among the Latvian Social Democrats in 1918. “From Russia returned also the old party official and the legal Social Democrat newspaper editor in the years before the war, Jūlijs Celms, who was later a member of Saeima parliament.” This is the first mentioning of my great grandfather by Kalniņš and marks the beginning of their relationship, both as friends and political comrades.

Kalniņš writes that Jūlijs resided at Kr. Barona Street apartment #31 and was surrounded by neighbors of rather notable status. The apartments upstairs from Jūlijs were rented by future president Kārlis Ulmanis and Miķelis Valters, a recognized nationally oriented Social Democrat. Jūlijs’ downstairs neighbor was Dr. Pauls Kalninš, who later became president of the Saeima. Jūlijs’ wife ran an elementary school a few doors down in apartment #37, where the Social Democrats often held meetings on the sly.

On the evening of November 17, 1918, a large meeting was held at Jaunais Teātris where the Social Democrats voted to join the National Union and participate in the declaration of independence. According to Kalniņš, the decision to join the National Union was influenced by persuasive arguments from himself, Jūlijs and several other Social Democrats. “There [Jaunais Teātris] four of our speakers; Pauls Kalniņš, Jūlijs Celms, Fricis Menders, and I made clear why the Latvian workers must stand for the establishment of the free and democratic Latvian Republic.” After this significant decision was made, the group began planning for the creation of Latvia’s People’s Council.

In Kalniņš’ discussion of this meeting, he introduces one of the most famous names in Latvian history and culture who was also a member of this close political circle – Jānis Rainis. “The assembly also acknowledged that they must create the Latvian People’s Council. Besides this, they sent a telegram to Jānis Rainis in Castagnola, ‘to the poet of pain and struggle,’ inviting him to return to his birth land.” Like Jūlijs, Rainis also returned Riga upon request. Rainis returned to his homeland two years after Jūlijs, in 1920.

• * *

There were many repercussions for those who participated in the Revolution. After the revolt in Russia was subdued, Moscow sent 19,000 troops to restore governmental control in Riga. Between the years of 1905 and 1908, 2,556 people were killed, 8,000 exiled, and 5,000 emigrated. Jānis Rainis, who had returned from his first exile in 1897 and was an active Social Democrat and participant in the Revolution of 1905, again became one of the vast numbers of Latvian exiles.

The bloody struggle and the martyred deaths that occurred on those January days are continuously reflected in poetry published in Cīņa over the next decade. Through their vivid imagery and metaphors, the poems honor those who lost their lives during the revolution while condemning and villainizing the autocratic oppressors. Although Rainis spent the next 15 years exiled in Switzerland, Cīņa kept his spirit alive in Latvia by publishing many of his patriotic proletarian poems. In the celebration of Cīņa’s 100th publication, Rainis’ poem “Sarkanais Simts” (the Red One-hundred) was published on the first page. His name however, was not published.

But Proletariat,

The land trembles, the lands tremble in might,

Only one passion, one spirit, one mind:

One-hundred thousand, a million more

Workers from the entire earth longed to destroy the old state.

A host of nations enters the big end battle.

Go, tend the flame of struggle!

Go in line, our red one-hundred!

There will be a time when the entire humanity will become a family of freedom.

Let it happen!

In celebrating the vitality of Cīņa, “Go, you red one-hundred”, this poem also promotes the vitality of Latvia’s proletariat. Similar to the motto in the first publication of Cīņa, there exists a desire for proletarian freedom from the German and Russian oppressors in Rainis’ words, “behind you are thousands, a family of freedom” and “there will be a time when the entire humanity will become a family of freedom.” This poem represents Rainis’ dedication to the international social democrat ideals and promotes revolution against the Russians and German bourgeoisie.

• *

What exactly did my great grandfather experience on the night of November 18, 1918? What sort of energy radiated through the theater on that night? How did the ceremony proceed? What was the atmosphere like after the moment of proclamation? What were Jūlijs and his fellow Social Democrats feeling during this jubilant occasion - exuberance, triumph, pride, anxiety or maybe even fear?

None of these questions were answered in the family story about my grandfather hiding behind the theater’s curtains. In fact, I depended completely on my imagination when trying to paint the scene that my great grandfather experienced during Latvia’s night of proclamation. I would refer to this elaborately imagined scenario until I stumbled across a section in Brūno Kalniņš’ Vēl Cīņa Nav Galā where he describes the night in great detail.

He was there and this is what he experienced. Or more accurately, what he remembers that he experienced. I will never know exactly what my great grandfather felt on that night, but at least after reading Kalniņš’ description, I can finally paint the scene.

“Around four o’clock p.m. we started to assemble in the theater. The day was cloudy and dark. In the theater we gathered behind the stage, in the actors’ rooms . . . we walked in a procession of pairs into the corridor of the theater’s ground floor and then, alone from our partners, we walked through the center doorway, into the hall and up onto the stage, where chairs had been placed in three rows. In the middle of the stage was a table with flowers for the People’s Council. The public greeted us with applause.

Who were these people, who filled the theater hall and three balconies? They were the active workers of eight parties and Latvia’s educated with their families. There we saw many Latvian doctors, lawyers, teachers, agriculturists, writers, artists, journalists, culture workers, officers and students. There were few workers because the proclamation happened on a work day. Everything developed in a big hurry and we did not have the time nor the possibility to spread news about the proclamation in the work places.

Picture of the November 18, 1918. The Proclamation of Latvia’s Independence at Jaunais Teatris. Taken From Bruno Kalnins’ Vēl Cīņa Nav Galā p.200

While observing the only photograph taken during the entire assembly, it must be made clear that it shows the assembly’s conclusion. The people’s council members and the public have risen to their feet to sing the national anthem. This photograph shows the stage filled with people. The total count is at least nine times bigger than the People’s Council. Where did these people appear from? They were the Reiters choir, which the People’s Council had invited so that the national anthem would sound powerful and impressive.”

In another memoir by Kalniņš entitled Latvijas Sociāldemokratijas Piecdesmit Gadi, Kalniņš quotes Pauls Kalniņš reading the LSDSP fraction of the declaration.

“Today, on November 18, 1918, representatives of the united Latvia’s democracy members unite and announce the founding of an independent Latvia. We LSDSP members, also find it necessary at this time to promote the development of free Latvia into an independent state. In the free and independent Latvia we don’t yet have a goal, but only the means for the attainment of our goals. As earlier, so now, we stand on the foundations of International Socialism. Its and our goal is a socialist republic in the union of free nations.”

Around eight p.m., the act of proclamation came to a finish and the participants called out in celebration. Kalniņš concludes his account of that night with a beautiful stanza from Rainis’ patriotic play, Daugava,

On one dark night

The red-white sky glimmers –

In the red-white sky

Shine three golden stars.

• * *

Many Latvian poets, almost all of whom wrote under pseudonyms, and most of whom wrote from jail or exile, reflected on the Revolutions of 1905 and 1906 in their poetry. In an effort to keep the struggle alive among the people, Cīņa romanticizes these events and honors the martyrs who died for their struggle. Cīņa consistently published the work of these anonymous writers until 1917. Overall, the poetry was dramatically patriotic to the LSDSP and idealized many aspects of the workers’ struggle against the bourgeois oppressors, both Russian and German.

On March 3, 1906, Cīņa published a poem by “Adata” (“Needle”) entitled “Latvija”. According to Andrew Ezergailis, “Adata” is a pseudonym for P. Pekmanis, a social democrat with Menshevik leanings. Pekmanis’ poem illustrates the fact that during the Revolutions of 1905, the Latvian proletariat not only rose against Tsarist Russia, but the German autocracy as well.

Latvia’s valleys are drenched in blood, with blood the morning reddens. But the tyrants drink heavily and laugh, and they divide up what they have stolen.

Latvia’s valleys are drenched in blood, the tip of the hill reddens in shame, but the murderers go with smiling faces and their voice rings in happiness.

Latvia’s valleys are drenched in blood, Latvia’s face covered with sadness,

But in the splendid castles there are dances. And the gaze of the immoral girl glimmers…

But the oppressed people will soon rise, from new they will go in struggle, until the last castle will be destroyed.

Until the murderers will be revenged.

(In the central jail, May 20th) - Adata

This dramatic poem resonates the reoccurring theme of Cīņa; the idealized socialist desire for the working class to one day “revenge” the capitalists and aristocrats and “rise” above these powerful giants. This same goal is later achieved nationally at the end of WWI when the German and Russian powers collapse and Latvia rises to establish its own freedom.

Many people associate the Revolution of 1905 as being against Tsarist Russia. However, in order for the Latvian people to “rise”, both the German and Russian powers had to be weakened. This poem describes the historically violent uprising against the German autocracy during the years of Revolution. The burning of baronial castles constituted another destructive feature of the Revolution…according to Cielēns, during the peak period, in one week alone, 150 castles were destroyed.

• *

One of the most valuable artifacts from Jūlijs Celms’ life that our family covets is his Lāčplēša Ordenis, signed by Latvia’s first president Jānis Čakste. The paper certificate of this great military honor is mounted and framed in my grandmother’s bedroom. The corners of the blue card are wrinkled and torn, but the writing is still legible. Above the certificate is a photograph of Jūlijs Celms sitting proud with the Lāčplēsis medal fastened to his chest. Above that is a picture of president Čakste pinning the medal onto Jūlijs’ military jacket as he stands in a respectful salute.

Pictures of Čakste pins the Lāčplēša medal on Jūlijs – 1921 Jūlijs with Lāčplēša medal –1921

Lāčplēša military award signed by Čakste - 1921

Jūlijs was awarded this distinguished honor for he valiant courage and strength when defending Riga from the Germans in the October 1919 Bermondt Battle. This was the extent of our family’s knowledge on the matter. We knew little about the Bermondt attack and almost nothing about Jūlijs’ role in the battle. In an attempt to finally understand what went on during those cold October days and what Jūlijs did to become a military hero, my dad contacted Latvian historian Roberts Laivinš and asked if he would research the subject.

Using the same Brūno Kalniņš memoirs that I have quoted as his primary sources, Laiviņš sent my father a summary of the Bermondt battle and Jūlijs role in the event. Using Laiviņš’ summary as my guide, I tracked down the primary sources that he used for his research. Both were the Kalninš memoirs that I have already quoted. Upon this discovery, I began my own research on my great grandfather and the Bermondt battle.

According to Kalninš, the Latvians were greatly outnumbered by the Germans during the Bermondt attack. The scene was chaotic with confusion and orders were being given to abandon Riga. Colonel Zemitāns from the Northern Group of the Latvian Army attempted to rally the fleeing Latvian Troops at Jugla. However, Jūlijs and the Riga volunteers decided to hold their positions, which ultimately saved the day.

Led by Jūlijs’ orders, on October 9, the LSDSP sent out a general call to arms of the citizenry by both mouth and newspaper. Under Jūlijs’ editorship of “Sociāldemokrats”, the LSDSP was able to rally hundreds of residents to join the defense of their city through the paper.

“On that same day, ‘Sociāldemokrats’ printed a leading article, inviting the Latvian workers and landless peasants to join in the battle for life and death against the enemies of Latvia’s freedom. The article concluded with the slogan: ‘Do not show the Bermondt soldiers any mercy!’  Although the Bermondt soldiers were located on the opposite shore of the Daugava, “Sociāldemokrats” was printed in the center of Riga during the first week after the battle began, only several hundred meters from the front. On the 13th of October, the LSDSP Riga committee let out their own well-known leaflet ‘To arms!’ and invited all of Riga’s workers who were able to carry weapons, without delay, to join the army.’ 

After the LSDSP called to arms the workers of Riga, citizens united with soldiers to fight what was described as a fierce battle under freezing weather conditions. For weeks the Latvian nationalists defended their city with all their strength and valor. In the end they were victorious.

It is for Jūlijs’ heroic military leadership and courage during those cold October and November days of Battle that he received the Lāčplēša Ordenis in 1921. From that moment on, he was revered not only as a prominent political leader, but a military hero.

• * *

Another poem published after the 1905 revolution, in 1906, reveals the intense feeling of animosity towards the Russian Monarchy.

Russia-Prison

Russia – a prison, a prison country, a prison is the support of powerful Russia,

And we, its citizens, we are all prisoners.

In prison we choke, in prison we groan, in prison we long for freedom;

In prison we pour tears and blood,

In prison we are alive – without life

In prison the sun’s rays do not shine in

In prison we do not see the days...

A dark eternity…an eternal night…

Four damp walls…

We are not allowed to take a step from prison,

In vain we long after the light –

Russia – a prison, a prison country,

nightsticks and prison are Russia’s support….

-Smuika

Smuika’s extremely transparent metaphors illustrate the feelings of desperation and despise for the Russian Tsarist regime. It is unclear whether Smuika is a Russian or a Latvian living under Tsarist Russia. However, the fact that this poem is published in Latvian for a Latvian audience, provides some evidence that these feelings towards Russia are shared by the LSDSP as well as its Latvian readers.

These themes of revolution, social uprising, class struggle, and unification among the Latvian proletariat re-surface again and again in Cīņa’s publications throughout WWI and up until the beginning of 1917 when the LSDSP undergoes a dramatic split and the idea of Latvian independence is born.

It is important to note that previous to the 1917 party split into Menshevik-Unionists and Bolshevik-Leninists, there was a proposal for the LSDSP to merge with the RSDWP in 1906. In August of this year, the Third Congress of the LSDP was held to vote on the proposed union. Peteris Stučka was editor of Cīņa at the time and according to Johnson, strongly in support of the merge. Ultimately, the LSDSP entered the RSDWP as an autonomous unit and changed its name to the Latvian Social Democracy. It was stipulated that the Latvian SD would enter the RSDWP with complete independence in determining programs and tactics within its own territory; furthermore, the Latvian SD had the right to call its own congress and conferences and to elect its own central committee. Despite this merge, the Mensheviks remained in control of the LSD.

• *

Laima Celms was a Communist through and through. My dad recalls his father telling him, in a hushed whisper, the story of how his older sister got out of the house.

Growing up in Riga during the early 1920s, Laima had several opportunities to join the blooming Leninist movement. At first in secrecy from her parents, Laima began reading and researching books on Bolshevik ideas during her teenage years. About the time Laima entered high school, as a very bright and ambitious girl, she became involved with Communist groups on campus.

Raised by a father who was an active leader of Saeima and the Latvian Social Democrat Party, Laima’s strong political instincts would seem to be expected. What wasn’t expected was that the daughter of a man who helped establish Latvia’s Independence, who received the Lāčpēlsis medal of honor for defending Latvia’s freedom, and who joined the more nationalist inclined Menshevik-Unionists when the Social Democrat party split from the Bolsheviks in 1917, would become a devout Bolshevik herself.

My grandfather, Opaps, remembered his father and sister erupting into heated political arguments at night. Having inherited her father’s stubbornness, Laima refused to renounce her political views. Jūlijs could no longer tolerate it. He refused to allow a Communist to live under his roof, even if it was his only daughter.

Laima was kicked out of the house at the age of 18. She packed her bags and left for Moscow, where her Bolshevik values would be more accepted.

Laima’s disappearance was not discussed in the house. The Celms family silently accepted that they were now down to three and the photographs testify to the reduction.

Picture of Milda Celms, Jūlijs Celms, and Aleksandrs Celms after Laima was kicked out of the house – circa 1926

Portraits that once showed a family of four suddenly become a family of three. In the middle of a photograph taken shortly after Laima was expelled from the house, Jūlijs sits tall and proud with his loyal son and wife leaning around him. The family is as it should be. No Communists are present. No traitors. No rebellious daughter.

Two generations later, the hushed secrecy of this story has not yet evaporated. I never knew my grandfather had an older sister, not until I asked who the girl with the braided hair in the photograph was. It was then that my dad suddenly took on a nervous smile and whispered, “That’s Opaps’ older sister. But she got kicked out of the house for being a Communist.”

By his expression, I knew the story was taboo. The Celms family accepts the Social Democrat label, but with Latvia’s history over the past century, we somehow still refuse to have the Communist stigma attached to our name.

Jūlijs Celms was a Social Democrat. He was not a Communist. The distinction between these two political labels, which so easily blended together in my mind, is suddenly made strikingly clear. To my grandfather, the ideas of Social Democracy and Communism were not the same thing. In fact the ideas were so different they could not exist under the same roof - even if the believers shared the same blood.

After “the thaw” under Kruschev in the late 1950s, my grandfather, living in Tacoma, maintained contact with his sister through letters. She had been living in Moscow where she was actively involved with the Communist party and was happily married with two children. In 1950, Laima moved back to Latvia and reconciled with her mother. She looked after Milda until her death in 1953.

Although they corresponded by letter for years, my grandfather never saw Laima until 1975 when he visited Latvia for the first time since he left in 1944. The two siblings were finally reunited after nearly fifty years of separation. Opaps held no grudges, after all, Laima was his sister. She about ten years later in the 1980s – buried as a Communist, in Communist Latvia’s soil

• * *

Since the Mensheviks remained in control of the LSD even after it merged into the RSDWP, Pēteris Stučka resigned from the editorial board of Cīņa and the Central Committee in protest. He refused to work for a Menshevik dominated paper. He left Latvia for St. Petersburg and did not return until 1914. In place of Stučka, Pauls Kalniņš and his wife, Klāra, were asked to take over editorship. Both Social Democrats had been living in Switzerland and according to Johnson, (who quotes Brūno Kalniņš) “’they played an outstanding role in defining party ideology’ and managed to pull the party more toward the Menshevik position.’’ Kalniņš and his wife would later merge into the Unionist-Menshevik faction of the LSD and on November 18, 1918, would accompany their party on stage at the National Theater during the declaration of Latvian independence.

It would seem logical for Cīņa to also take on the party’s more Menshevik tone under the Kalninš’ editorship. Then perhaps it is not a coincidence that after Stučka left, Pauls and Klara Kalninš published a poem in Cīņa by Rainis (under the pseudonym Atvars) which alludes to both a free state and free citizens.

“Strādnieku Majs” (Workers’ May)

Let storms and snow interfere,

Let forests roar and water pour

Let whirlwinds rush from caves

Let thunder strike and hail storm,-

Let all the devils lean against us,

Then still the spring will arrive,

Then still the free spirit will rise

And the free days of May will arrive for the people.

May is unstoppable, the field is free of snow

Thus the workers soon will defeat power

And greet a free country.

Let the oppressor hiss from anger,

Let their mouths from curses smoke,

Let blood cover the beasts’ throats

When they attack the chests of free men. –

Let their bile boil over in villainy,

When they t

https://www.cemety.lv/public/deceaseds/101658?type=deceased

https://timenote.info/lv/Julijs-Celms

• https://timenote.info/lv/Julijs-Celms
• https://www.cemety.lv/public/deceaseds/101658?type=deceased
• https://lv.wikipedia.org/wiki/J%C5%ABlijs_Celms

• Laulības Sv.Ģertrūdes draudzē Rīgā https://raduraksti.arhivi.lv/objects/1:4:11:2055:2470:23608#&gid=1&...
• Dienesta saraksts. https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSJ2-M341?i=1
• 1922 un 1928 izsniegtās pases. https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CS8S-Q9S1-9?i=1

Jūlijs Augusts Celms played a historic role in the movement for independence in Latvia. He was a leading intellectual in this struggle, a war hero, present at the signing and declaration of Latvia’s independence and a four term member of the Latvian parliament. For those of you now linked to this family tree, or much younger in years, I would like to first share with you the historic background of Latvia at the turn of the twentieth century. Below you’ll also find both my research and personal knowledge of Julijs Celms and further down is my daughter, Elizabeth Celms’ thesis in the determination of the Latvian Social Democratic Party's and Julijs specific role in Latvia's independence - but very peronalized.

This is long. Enjoy!

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CELMS Jūlijs, sabiedrisks darbinieks.

• 1879. IX 29. Pedeles pag. + 1935. V 09. Rīgā 1896/1900. Beidzis Baltijas skolotāju semināru, 1900/1904. Biķeru draudzes skolas skolotājs, 1904/1905. Rīgas II ministrijas skolas skolotājs, 906/1907. Somijā,1907/1908. Cietumā, 1911. laikraksta „Laika Balss” redaktors, 1916. Krievijas armijas karavīrs, 1917/1918. Virsnieks, 1918. XI 11. - 1920. IV 09. Tautas padomes loceklis, Latvijas sociāldemokrātiskā strādnieku partija, 1918. XI 18. Piedalījies Latvijas valsts proklamēšana, 1919/1920. Daugavpils kājnieku pulka virsleitnants, 1920/1927. Rīgas pilsētas Diskonto bankas direktors, 1920. IV 18. – 1922.XI 07. Satversmes sapulces deputāte, Latvijas sociāldemokrātu strādnieku partija, 1920. apbalvots ar Lāčplēša kara ordeņa III šķiru # 280, 1922. X 07. – 1925. X 03. Saeimas I deputāts, Latvijas sociāldemokrātiskā strādnieku partija, 1922. XI 24. ievēlēts Lāčplēša kara ordeņa domē, 1925. X 03. – 1928. X 06. Saeimas II deputāts, Latvijas sociāldemokrātiskā strādnieku partija, 1925. XI 13. ievēlēts Lāčplēša kara ordeņa domē, 1926/1930. Latvijas Bankas padomes priekšsēdētāju, 1928. X 06. – 1931. X 03. Saeimas III deputāts, Latvijas sociāldemokrātiskā strādnieku partija, 1928. XI 09. ievēlēts Lāčplēša kara ordeņa domē. 1931. X 08. – 1934. V 15. Saeimas IV deputāts, Latvijas sociāldemokrātu strādnieku partija, 1931. XI 20. ievēlēts Lāčplēša kara ordeņa domē, 1935. sodīts, Apbalvots ar Sv. Jura ordeņa IV šķiras krustu, Apbedīts Rīgas Brāļu kapos. Avots: “Tautas padomes stenogrammas”, R., 1925.; „Latvijas satversmes sapulces stenogrammas”, R., 1925.; „L.R. Saeimas stenogrammas”, R., 1922., 1925., 1928., 1931.; “Latvijas darbinieku galerija”, R., 1929.; “Es viņu pazīstu”, R., 1939.; „Baltijas skolotāju seminārs”, R., 1940.; „Lāčplēša kara ordeņa kavalieri”, R., 1995.
  • *******************************

The 1905 Russian Revolution was undeniably a class-based struggle from the domination of Tsarist Empire. The provinces of Courland and Livonia were doubly oppressed since the local Baltic German landed nobility, remnants of the medieval Teutonic Order of Knights, owned huge landed estates, controlled the local administration on behalf of the Russian Tsar, enforced feudal prerogatives, and imposed Russification and in many areas, conversion to the Russian Orthodox Church. Revolutionary movements were strong and popular during both the 1905 and the 1917 Revolutions. Accordingly, the Latvian Social Democratic Workers Party was formed in 1904 and by 1906 joined the Russian Social Democratic Party supporting Lenin and the Bolshevik faction. Julijs early years were spent as a journalist and agitator in Riga in help form the Latvian Social Democratic Party.

At the time most bourgeois tendencies were against national independence or any kind of autonomy from the Russian Empire. Their progressive groups simply had aspirations for some more local self-government, abolition of feudal privileges and the use of national languages and native religion - Roman Catholic or Protestant. It was actually the Social Democrats that started demands for national liberation, cultural development, ethnic equality, self-determination. In 1903, Latvian Social Democrat Mikelis Valters first put forward the slogan of secession from the Russian Empire.

During the 1905 Revolution, uprisings and strikes broke out in the more highly industrialized Latvia cities. Peasants rose in armed revolts against the big landed estates, burned manor houses and fought pitched battles against them. After the defeat of the Revolution, tsarist retribution was especially harsh - 908 persons were summarily executed, hundreds were sent to jail, and thousands were deported. This represented the first migration of Latvians to America as well. Julijs, his new wife Milda and their daughter, Laima, joined the exodus of Latvian intellectuals moving in the shadows of Tsarist Russia - leaving Riga for Helsinki and later to Moscow, all along, advancing their educations whilst quietly writing revolutionary underground news articles (See below Elizabeth Celms article on Julijs participation in the LSDWP).

During the First World War (1914-1919) Latvia was overrun by the German Army. As the war and destruction progressed, social antagonisms grew. To the bourgeoisie, independence became a necessity only after the success of the October Revolution. Local workers' councils quickly took power; Red Guard units were formed under quasi Soviet governments in Tallinn and in Riga after the withdrawal of the German Army. Seeking national independence was not a goal. Under these circumstances, the bourgeoisie of these provinces frantically searched for powerful saviors from abroad. They did not care very much, about these saviors' attitudes on Baltic independence, as long as they would assist in suppressing the Worker’s revolutionary.

The bourgeoisie accepted help from the Germans, Finns of Mannerheim, and Russian tzarist generals who advocated a "single and indivisible" tzarist autocracy. Most importantly, they had support from the British Navy, which dominated the Baltic with the surrender of Germany in November 1918. –This worker socialist unrest was a tremendous concern to the Great British Empire. International revolution to them would likewise be the collapse of their basic economic lifeline.

As the Civil War in Russia swung back and forth Baltic nationalists smelled opportunity in the confusion. The Red Guards were defeated with German, Finnish and British help and the weakened Soviet government had to acquiesce to the victory in the Baltic. Armistice and then peace treaties between the Soviet and the three Baltic governments were concluded during 1920.

This was the backdrop of the life of young Julijs Celms and most Latvians. The weakness of the Baltic German bourgeoisie in the newly formed government of Latvia required tremendous agility – and the collaborations of the broad Latvian political spectrum. The peasant masses, landless and impoverished pushed for social transformation and land distribution. To do was required expropriation of the rich. Within this turmoil, the Social-Democratic parties came to capitalism's rescue by always negotiating the middle ground with their parliamentary factional majority. Capitalism was stabilized, but at the cost of mass expropriation of the old semi-feudal gentry, progressive taxation for social, health, educational and cultural expenditures. Julijs Celms played a major role in this redistribution by being a leading member and later, Chairman of the Bank of Latvia (1926-1931) and its monetary reform. Over 90% of the estates were broken up and divided among the peasantry. In this way, the new governments gained a measure of public acceptance and social support. It should be noted that due to the historic domination of German nobility; the majority of expropriated estates were German-owned, making land redistribution popular with all classes of Latvians/Balts.

All three newly formed Baltic countries were generally unstable primarily due to the way they carved up borders leaving sizable ethnic minorities giving raise to continuous border disputes. The original constitutions were generally democratic that vested major legislative and executive functions in proportionately elected parliaments. Still, the undertone of Europe after the war remained uneasy. Fascist reactions to social reforms were a constant threat. The Social Democrats, under the guidance of Bruno Kalnins, Fricis Menders, Pauls Kalnins, Andrejs Petevics, Margers Skujenieks, Voldamars Bastjanis and Julijs Celms maintained a reasonable semblance of balance for about fifteen years.

In March of 1934, Prime Minister Ulmanis declared a state of emergency and, although the constitution was not formally abolished, he governed by decree from then on. Saeima, the parliament was ignored and stripped of all power. The press was severely censored, and opposition parties were “temporally jailed” on trumpet up sedition charges. Over 2,000 Social Democrats were imprisoned or placed in a concentration camp in Liepaja, Julijs Celms, amongst them. As head of the Workers' Union, which defended the legal constitution, Bruno Kalnins was arrested and sentenced to three years' imprisonment.

Julijs Celms was arrested by the Ulmanu regime on May 15, 1934 when they went around to all their homes and arrested them – generally on the illegal possession of weapons. It is not clear if these are “trumped up charges” by the Ulmanu regime or reality. Supposedly, the Social Democrat sporting hall, which had rifles and guns for sporting uses was broken into by the Ulmanu people and the Social Democrats were accused of stashing weapons for a coupe of their own. This is a subject of great debate – with little fact as no investigation into was possible sense Ulmanis ruled with a strong arm and the history disappeared after the Communist takeover in 1939. On November 27, Julijs was convicted in the Riga court and was sentenced to 4 months in the Riga Central Prison. His sentence was reduce to 3 months because hew as a decorated war veteran and a Lacplesa ordeni kavaleri. He died on May 9, 1935 of complications on a simple appendicitis operation.

• **********************************

The below information is a compilation of the research I have done trying to reconcile everything I remember my dad telling me about Julijs Celms and the tremendous help I have received for various “amateur Latvian historians”, who frankly have a tremendous grasp of this period of Latvian history. The collaborations are from Roberts Lievins of New York, Juris Sagarins in Boston, Peteris Cedrins in Daugavaspils and Elizabeth Rutens from California. To a large extent, I have left their narrative in their style as they posted it to me so generally you can see who’s contribution is being made to the below attempt to make some sense out of Julijs personal life and political life.

• **********************************************************************

As can be seen from this family tree, Julijs Celms was born in 1879 on Pedelles Muiza, only a few miles west of Valka, (see attached map in pictures) a city that is split between the Latvian Estonian borders, often referred to as Valka/Valga. Julijs was one of twelve children, three of whom died in early childhood. From everything I understand, the “Celms branch” essentially has its roots from this area for numerous generations. Julijs parents, Peteris and Liene Celms worked on the Lugazu Liela Muiza (name of Manor home) for many years. Apparently Peteris was hard working and fortunate to work for a progressive German Baron who probably was reasonably decent to Peter and his family. By most accounts, he was given the right, if not direct ownership, to some land and a simply family farm home. The arrangement must have provided reasonably well for his family, as he pushed real hard to see that his sons, and perhaps his daughters, all got educated. From what I can tell, Karlis, Julijs, Janis and Theodor all left the farm to pursue higher education – never to return to farming. Educating Latvians was popular with the progressive German landlords who had come to recognize that they could not manage their farms and businesses without an educated Latvian clerical and supervisory staffs (management). Julijs attended and graduated the Baltic Teachers Seminary in Kuldiga, Latvia (Baltijas skolotaju seminaru). With the degree, he was intending to be a teacher, and in fact, published over a dozen text books on mathematics over the next twenty years (see list below). But my guess was that as a young intellectual, he got caught up in the first Latvian Atmodas (Awakening) Period and his passion for politics drove him to underground journalism and revolutionary sentiments. And, perhaps he met his wife, Milda there, as she too was educated as a teacher and would later spend her most of her life teaching.

My take on Julijs would be that he was very much like his son, my father, Aleksandrs Celms. My guess is that he was athletic, strong, and obviously, a natural leader. Latvians who knew him told me he was a tremendous orator – hence his success in politics. Clearly not only was he popular politically, being only one of a handful of Latvian Seima members to be reelected to all four parliaments over a twelve year period. Yet, unlike Sasha’s days, when organized sports were highly encouraged - playing ball, swimming, riding or running were probably more natural boyhood endeavors he enjoyed as compared to the more an organized sporting environment. His military feats would argue that he was a quick study on the battle field and nimble to both survive and lead. The outdoors were a big part of his life, as Opap repeatedly told me how he and Julijs would go hunting, fishing, craw fishing, riding and simply enjoying outdoor camping and cooking meals on open fires and family picnic environments, as is evidenced by the many pictures we have. And, I know for a fact that one Celms tradition that began before Julijs’ time was those damn para-military early morning cold water swims that all Celms fathers insisted that their kids so. In the summers, at our Haven Lake cabin we would always be required to take a cold, early morning plunge into the lake to “properly wake up” before breakfast. And, the old men would shave dockside. Opap shared with me how he did that with Julijs almost daily at Apgulde and that Julijs had done that with his father and brothers before him. A virtual Celms family ritual! And today, all my kids still do that when we gather at Haven Lake.

Julijs Celms was a teacher, good with numbers, and had written textbooks on mathematics. While teaching in Riga, he joined the Latvian Social Democrat Workers Party in early 1905. After the 1905 Revolution, his political leanings forced him out of Latvia, taking Milda, and his newly born daughter, Laima, to Helsinki, where for a time he was the editor of the illegal and underground workers newspaper “Cina” (The Fight/Battle). It appears that he was also a contributing writer/editor to several other papers – Peterburgas Avizu, Dienas Lapa and Jauna Dienas. Later, he would move to Moscow and became active in the Latvian exile community there. His younger brother Theodor’s was also a student there and Julijs was attending the University of Moscow. He edited a paper called "Laika Balss," often writing under the pseudonym "Almokrats." As World War I broke out, he was conscripted into the Russian Army in 1916 and served there until 1918, when he and thousands of other young Latvian soldiers moved back to Riga to purse the fight for Latvia’s independence. While serving in the Russian Army, he was promoted to a Lieutenant and was decorated for heroism with Russian Cross of St. George IV.

In 1918 he returned to Riga, residing at Suvorova (aka Kr. Barona) iela either #31 or #37 both were listed as the home. I believe the adjoining unit was the private school (gimnazija) run by his wife, Milda. This was also a place where the Social Democrats often held meetings on the sly. It turns out to be a rather illustrious address; his downstairs neighbor was Dr. Pauls Kalnins, who would later become President of the Saeima and the apartments upstairs were rented by Mikelis Valters and Karlis Ulmanis, later President of Latvia and ironically, the same man who would arrest Julijs sixteen years later. All in all, a fairly good neighborhood, one would think. He worked at Elizabetes iela #16 as a member of the central committee of the Latvian Social Democratic party, contributing to the newspaper "Sozialdemokrats." On the evening of 17 November, 1918 a large meeting of Latvian socialdemocrats took place at "Jaunais Teatris" Romanov (aka Lacplesa) iela #25, and owing to persuasive arguments by Kalnins, Menders and Celms, the Social Democrats voted to join in the National Union. The next day, Kalnins and Celms were entrusted to make the security arrangements for getting an armed detachment so that there would be no "interruption" of the event scheduled for that afternoon. On 18 November 1918 Julijs Celms was one of the men on stage to proclaim independence of the Republic of Latvija.

But proclamation of independence was one thing – wining the independence would require continuing the war on the Eastern Front for several more years fighting the remnants of both the German and Russian Empires and the emerging Soviets. When the Soviets took Riga in January 1919, most of the “Mazenieki” (Mensheviks) left for Liepaja - a Social Democratic stronghold. Julijs Celms remained in Riga. Celms had maintained that the working people would have to experience life under the “Lielinieki” (Bolsheviks) before being convinced that the “Mazenieku” way was better, or in Julijs Celms own words: "Jaizsapno maldu miles sapnojums." There, over the coming months, popular support for the Bolsheviks eroded. Resources were badly mismanaged and starvation loomed for the city of Riga. Many strelki defected, and it is alleged that Celms and the LSDSP helped pave the way for them. Among the top defectors were three key officers of the Soviet Latvian Army, Colonel Mangulis, Colonel Avens, and the head of the Military Institute, Colonel Laimins. The newspaper "Sozialdemokrats," under the leadership of Celms exposed instances of Red terror, including the concentration camp at Zaku Island.

Upon the return to Riga of Nationalist forces, much activity that formerly took place in secret could now begin legitimate operations. Two additional military units were formed from the defecting strelki and other volunteers, the 1st and 2nd Riga Volunteer Rotas. Julijs Celms was a "virsleitnants" (First Lieutenant), his immediate commander is Tangens. These units were incorporated into the command structure of the Latvian Army, Southern Group, under the command of Colonel Balodis.

After the debacle with the Germans turning against the Latvian Army, Northern Group at Cesis, the Latvian Army, Southern Group was at best considered neutral, at worst part of the enemy German forces. The Ulmanis Government was still in exile aboard the "Saratov” in the Baltic. Because of his knowledge of the Valka region, Lieutenant Julijs Celms was given a very sensitive mission, to cross the lines in the middle of a major military conflict and inform Latvian Army Northern Group Headquarters at Valka/Valga, that the two Riga volunteer units would remain loyal to the Nationalist Government and will not follow any order to fight against the Northern Group. It is recorded that Julijs Celms successfully executed this mission and served with distinction during his assignment to the Northern Group.

After the cease-fire agreement reached in Strazda Muiza, the Northern Group marched triumphantly into Riga. Colonel Zemitans rode in on a great white horse and Celms and other soldiers were warmly welcomed too! A few days later, the "Saratov" docked in Riga and the Nationalist government returned to the capital city. The Latvian Army was reorganized with the overall command given to a recently returned General Davids Simansons. Colonels Balodis and Zemitans were treated as equals and given new division commands. The Riga Volunteer Corps were reorganized as well, into command structures of the 8th Daugavpils and 9th Rezeknes Infantry Battalions. The Germans were supposed to gradually evacuate Latvia, but again, they would have a change of heart and decide to have one more go of it. Balodis division went on the offensive down the Daugava river banks, harassing the retreating Red Russians.

Julijs Celms great moment as a military man comes during the "Bermondt" attack on Riga. The Latvians are greatly outnumbered, there is much confusion, and orders are being given to abandon Riga. Zemitans tries to get the fleeing troops to rally at Jugla, but it is the Riga Volunteers that save the day by holding their positions. In conjunction, the LSDSP under Celms sends out a general call to arms to the citizenry, rallying hundreds of residents to join in the defense of Riga. The fighting is fierce, but the Nationalists come out on top. It is during those cold October and November days that Julijs Celms received the Lacplesu Ordenis for not only rallying the people to battle, but for the significant capture of a German outpost. The official version on the the L.k.o.k. Lāčplēša kaŗa ordeņa kavalieŗi website says his heroism was based on:

1919. g. 7. nov. pie Bolderājas C. ar kareivju vadu ienaidnieka aizmugurē ielenca Strelles māju, straujā uzbrukumā padzina no tās vāciešus, saņēma gūstekņus, ieguva 22 zirgus un 2 ložmetējus, sacēla paniku ienaidnieka aizmugurē. Kā Tautas Padomes loceklis lielā mērā sekmēja garastāvokļa uzlabošanos mūsu karaspēkā.

Approximate English translation: On November 7, 1919 near Bolderjas Center, the platoon snuck up surprising the Germans with their sudden attack while driving the Germans out of their positions, freeing Latvian prisoners of war, acquiring 22 horses, 2 automatic machine guns and created general panic in the German ranks to give the Latvians a tactical battle advantage. And, as a member of Latvia’s Constitutional Assembly, such heroic action by Celms inspired and motivated the Latvian troops and citizenry to continue their fight in the defense of Riga.

Following the war, Julijs Celms would later be one of the men who would help write the Latvian Constitution "Satversme," and is elected to serve in the all four Latvian Parliament "Saeime." -from 1922 to Ulmanu closing of Parliament in May, 1934. Further, as Director and later, Chairman of the Bank of Latvia (Treasurer) he advocates a policy of keeping the Lats (Latvian currency) on a gold standard by decreasing the money supply as a means of dealing with a global economic crisis. With regard to Julijs being head of the Latvian Bank, I have not done any analytical work as to what his fiscal or monetary policies were like and what impact they had to the Latvian government at the time. Suffice it to say, times were not easy, so his task and efforts probably have good controversy from both sides of the spectrum. One fun element of this position was that Julijs signature appears on at least two Latvian bank notes I was able to find on eBay – the 1928 Latvian 25 Lats note and the 1929 Latvian 500 Lats note which I have framed in my den. Frankly, the are readily available on eBay – but not particularly cheap.

For those wondering about Julijs acquisition of the big Apgulde Manor estate, you need to understand that this was not a purchase but rather a gift by a nation rewarding its victorious solders in appreciations of their war efforts. According to history, officers in the Latvian Army and highly decorated enlisted men could obtain the manors and properties or, to be more precise, "muižas centri"; the centers of manors. This doesn't necessarily mean that there were any buildings left standing on them as many, including Abgulda were destroyed at various levels from the war. All veterans, not just officers were given expropriated German lands – gratis. Others had to pay (but not much) and most were also eligible for sizeable government loans. I haven't read any criticism of the mechanisms for distribution by the Latvian nation, because I believe it was very popular with the populace, as a large majority benefited from this land reform. But of course, the confiscation of land from the defeated Germans had vociferous criticism. In general, the Germans being Germans, they compiled massive amounts of impressive scholarly materials on their view of history in Latvia. From the discussions of land reform and land grants to officers, I gather that Apgulde was had about 50 hectares (~123 acres) of land, which probably covered about 2/3 of the Abgulda Ezers (lake) shoreline. As you can see from the pictures, the Manor home was very impressive, but severely damaged. My guess was that by the late 20’s it was remodeled as well as it could be, considering that it was primarily used as a summer home and quite frequently used for big Celms family Christmas events. It was about 25 kilometers west of Dobele and as Opap would describe, they would take the train to Dobele from Riga and the farm workers would have several horse sleighs awaiting the family and guests to go to Apgulde on a true Christmas open sleigh ride. Opap spent most summers at Apgulde from the age of 10 thru his university years. When Julijs died in 1935, Opap was a student at university and the property was sold as neither he nor Milda could pay the huge remodel and farm debts without the financial backing that Julijs was able to earn. Further, during these periods, farming was the number one export in Latvia, so Apgulde was truly run as a farm for profit, with numerous people both working the land, cattle and maintaining the Manor home and grounds. My guess was whilst Julijs was alive, the property prospered, but as the above article mentioned, loans were available to many for these properties and Opap said that the debts on the property were simply overwhelming.

The biggest opposition to the Social Democrats, the furthest party to the left, was obviously the right wing. The Social Democrats were the largest party in the Saeima and was always able to force a collation of sorts. Julijs stance was always strong against the far right, especially during the emergence of National Socialism in Europe in the early 30s (Nazism). Inesis Feldmanis argues through the examining the analyses of the Latvian intelligence agencies, which concluded that in the 1920s the political efforts of the Baltic Germans were not dangerous to the Latvian state and were primarily devoted to consolidating their rights as a minority. But the same "Polītpārvalde" saw plenty of reasons for concern in the 1930s, because the Nazis ideas swept through the German community like wildfire, especially among young Germans. Veidnieks, the same Minister of the Interior whose statements are quoted in Martuzāns' day-by-day account of the resettlement, expressed astonishment at how swiftly Nazism spread through the German schools, churches, and many organizations in Latvia (the German Lutheran Church was completely separate from the Latvian Lutheran Church).

Your grandfather, Celms, was part of a group in the Saeima that demanded that action be taken in 1933, when 322 Reichsdeutsche (as opposed to Volksdeutsche; i.e., citizens of the Reich) returned to Rīga from Tilsit, where they had participated in the Reichstag elections. Upon their return, they were met at the train station by 200 Social Democrats and a mêlée ensued. Action was taken, with the Saeima voting on 17 March 1933, 41-14, to expel fascist foreigners, shut down their organizations, and close their newspapers and to do the same for Latvian fascists and their organs. This bill was passed "by accident" (note only 55 votes; 45 weren't present or abstained), but the law was not supported by either the Skujenieks nor the Bļodnieks government. The German Foreign Ministry noted that the unclear law placed Latvia in a difficult position. A crackdown did take place, however, with Germany threatening to expel several hundred Latvian Jews from the Reich {! these tragic ironies) because of Latvia's attempts to prevent the local head of the Nazi underground from returning to Rīga.

Things continued in this confused state for some time. The Social Democrats attacked the Bļodnieks government more than they attacked the Nazis, according to Feldmanis, accusing him of aiding the rise of fascism, and in doing so they helped pave the way for Ulmanis' coup. The Baltic German leadership was conservative and did not support the Nazis, but in the spring of 1934 it appeared that that the Nazis would seize power within the community and after the coup, their Rigaer Tageszeitung was closed and various members of their "Brotherhood" tried and sentenced (25 receiving brief prison terms). The Nazis later took control of the main German language newspaper, Rigasche Rundschau, and by 1938 a Nazi, Alfred Intelmann, was the elected head of the community. Six members of the underground had also been tried 1935, and in their trial Mein Kampf was being used to show how their ideology was inimical to Latvia. With Ulmanis having to tread carefully as the threat from Germany increased, prosecutions fell off and efforts to curtail their activities were confined to things like a 1939 law banning Nazi uniforms and military training. Interior Minister Veidnieks was pleased by the cosmetic effects.

In March of 1934, Prime Minister Ulmanis declared a state of emergency and, although the constitution was not formally abolished, he governed by decree from then on. Saeima, the parliament, was ignored and stripped of all power. The press was severely censored, and opposition parties were “temporally jailed” on trumpet up sedition charges. Over 2,000 Social Democrats were imprisoned or placed in a concentration camp in Liepaja, Julijs Celms, amongst them. Some might refer to these as detentions, as most Social Democrats with released within six months and returned to society, but without a political base and generally, deprived of their previous jobs in the government.

Julijs Celms was arrested by the Ulmanu regime on May 15, 1934 when they went around to all their homes and arrested them – generally on the illegal possession of weapons. Supposedly, the Social Democrat sporting hall, which had rifles and guns for sporting uses, was broken into by the Ulmanu people and the Social Democrats were accused of stashing weapons for a coupe of their own. And, it was true that Julijs kept a revolver in his home for private protection, which was apparently illegal. This is a subject of great debate – with little fact as no investigation into this was possible sense Ulmanis ruled with a strong arm and the history disappeared after the Communist takeover in 1939. On November 27, Julijs was convicted in the Riga court and was sentenced to 4 months in the Riga Central Prison. His sentence was reduced to 3 months because he was a decorated war veteran and a Lacplesa ordean kavalerim. Returning home, he died in May of 1935 of complications on a simple appendicitis operation. His burial had all the honors of a man of state and a military hero. He was lead by a military horse caisson procession through the streets of Riga to Barlu Kapos (see pictures) as my guess is that despite their political differences, Ulmanis alwasy had great respect for Julijs Celms and his role in Latvia’s independence – as at that time, they were all brothers in arms.

P.S. Regarding your grandfather and those "weapons of mass destruction," as Pete put it, the supposed cache of weaponry consisted of 150 pistols, to be used for... a coup! The attorney Zāmuels dared to note that completely different persons should be charged with staging a coup (i.e., Ulmanis and friends), for which he was dressed down by the court. Cielēns writes at length about the trial. According to Dunsdorfs, this episode did tremendous damage to Latvia's image abroad, with the Swedish media writing about the trial as "a comedy unworthy of a civilized country" and the governments of the Czech Republic, Denmark and other countries lodging protests whilst other statesmen demanded that the press be allowed to follow the proceedings.

In Voldemārs Bastjānis memoirs, the volume titled "Gala sākums". Much about your ancestor Jūlijs Celms is there. In his account of the night of el Vadonis' coup d'etat, Bastjanis, apparently Julijs’ closest friend, was also arrested and his wife knew only to turn to Julijs and go to his house for help, only to find that Julijus too had been arrested that night.

“Otrā rītā pēc baigās nakts, mana sieva, nesaprazdama ko iesākt, aizsteidzās pie mūsu drauga, arī Saeimas deputāta - Jūlija Celma, lai informētos par nakts notikumiem un dabūtu kādu skaidrību. Celma dzīvoklī policija viņu aizturējusi un prasījusi, ko viņa meklējot. Sieva atbildējusi, ka nākusi pie Celma palīdzību un padomu meklēt. "Pie Celma?"- policisti un aizsargi smējušies. "Jā, pie Celma", - sieva atbildējusi. "Viņš ir Latvijas aizstāvis, Lāčplēša ordeņa kavalieris un ģenerāļa Baloža draugs. Kur tad lai es eju? Taču ne uz Polītisko pārvaldi, kas mūsu dzīvokļa durvis salauza un manu vīru jau aizveda".

Kad "kārtības sargi" manu sievu tomēr aizturējuši un ārā vairs nav laiduši, paziņojot, ka viņa arestēta, sieva sašutumā un izmisumā saukusi: "Mūsu dzīvokļa durvis izlauztas, bērni vieni paši mājās, tos var aizvest, dzīvokli izlaupīt - kas par to atbildēs? Vai jūs - policisti un aizsargi?

Kārtības sargi, resp. Celma dzīvoklī atstātie policijas slazdi, lai arestētu visus, kas tur ierastos, beidzot aptvēruši situāciju, bet, nezinādami ko darīt, zvanījuši uz Polītisko pārvaldi un, atkārtojot sievas teikto, prasījuši norādījumus. Pēc telefona sarunas sieva arī atbrīvota.

Additional tidbits of Julijs are mentioned below. Putting all this in historical perspective, young readers must understand that although initially, the Social Democrats had majority control of Parliament and were exceedingly popular – their popularity in time waned as more conservative movements captured the country thru right wing advocates. Further, one need remember, that Stalin and the Soviets kept agitating Latvia from the left. Communism was illegal in Latvia, but not silent. The tensions at the time were merely reflecting the pending doom coming over Europe and all sides reacting to their strategic advantage – with Ulmanis in the middle, trying to balance the risks. The more right wing Nationalist elements wanted less state control and had strong anti Communist tendencies. Social Democrats on the political spectrum were only slightly to the right of Communist and most of Europe in the early thirties began entertaining right wing governments (Germany with Hitler, Italy with Mussolini, and Spain with Franco). Accordingly, Julijs and Social Democrats were progressively getting attack by the far right and the political middle which supported Karlis Ulmanis and his Siemneiku Party (Farmers Party). Further, one also has to understand that probably a big majority of the expatriated Latvian refugees in Diaspora were essentially Ulmanits – supporters of Ulmanu policies in most expatriate newspapers and their social discussions. So criticism of the Social Democrats in Trimda often becomes more political than factual. For example, in the late 40s, an ongoing struggle existed between Diaspora Latvians as to who would best represent Latvian refugee interests in negotiating with the NATO victors – the exiled Ulmanu government who had essentially aligned with the Nazi right, or the Social Democrats who congregated in Stockholm and had resisted the Nazi tendencies from the very beginning. Who had greater credibility with the Allied forces? So, obviously, the politics are highly suspect in the material one reads.

Additional information provided by Roberts which makes mention of Julijs Celms and Latvia’s history: “As far as your ancestor Julijs, there is a lot said about him. By now you have probably seen much of the negative "parmetumi" (criticism) about him. I for one think he was a great patriot, stood firm in his beliefs and stayed true to his ideals and to the country and people he loved. He gets frequently and honorably mentioned in "Vel Cina nav gala..." by Dr. Bruno Kalnins. Also, in "Latvijas Socialdemokratijas 50 gadi" by same author has a lot of info and personal background on what the people of the time were like.

In Stockholm, I met and interviewed Dr. Bruno Kalnins, who was himself on hand for Latvija's proclamation, went to Liepaja and witnessed the events that occurred there, supported the Nationalist government through the darkest of days, joined the Latvian Army, helped capture Needra and deliver him to the ship "Saratov", worked with Balodis and helped form the Riga Volunteer units, was privy to the communications between Col. Jansons and Col. Balodis, was present when Julijs Celms was given the mission to cross the lines to tell Zemitans that the Riga units were loyal to Latvian Nationalists. All of this can be found in his book, "Vel Cina Nav Gala..." Documenting Balodis military communications is the Armijas Stabs archive collection "Latvijas Brivibas Kars." Janson's telegram to Balodis can also be found in "Valmieras Pulku Vesture, Page 128" if you can find one with that page intact.

Hold up right there, Bruno! You called the Socialists abandoning the National Council a "selfish" act. What do you suppose motivated them to do that, on 30 December 1918? Could it be what Ulmanis did the day before on 29 December 1918? Maybe the sociki were selfish, because Ulmanis was too damn generous! In a very interesting meeting between Ulmanis and August Winnig, Paegle witnesses Ulmanis agreeing to give full citizenship and land to ALL Germans who fight on behalf of the Iron Division and Landeswehr. Also, there is an agreement on how to divide up to 1/3 of Latvias land to the German Barons - see Spricis Paegle, "Ka Latvijas Valsts Tapa;" Winnig "Am Ausgang; Winning "Heimkehr;" Andreews Needra "Latwijas Tautas Teesiskee Pamati;" Erich Koehrer "Das wahre des Bolschewismus! Tatsachen-Berichts-Bilder aus den baltischen Provincen November 1918 - Februar 1919."

The Social D's quit the National Union only after Ulmanis Promised Land and citizenship to the Germans. True, there were lots of rumblings in the LSD meetings on the days before. Remember, the LSD membership voted to join the National Union only by the very slimmest of margins, owing to the oratory of Kalnins, Kalnins and Celms. Also consider that the rank and file saw the "Big" brothers coming back into town and the English warships steaming out to sea. In the end, you are correct, Ulmanis gave the Germans neither land nor citizenship. Perhaps that was the first of his many broken political promises!

In closing, an anecdote, (supposedly true, but no way in hell of ever proving) about Celms' ancestor. Julijs Celms was originally from Valka/Valga (aka Wolk). In the days of Independence, one of his childhood friends came to visit Riga. This friend was a respected member of Estonia's parliament, just as Celms was a respected member of Saeima. The friend was given State Welcome and made an address heard over Latvian Radio. To impress the locals, Celms' friend gave his speech in Latvian. What he meant to say to Celms' grandfather:

"Once, you were my schoolmate, now we are both brothers of the government service fraternity!" ("Reiz biji mans skolu biedrs, tagad esi mans "portfelju" biedrs!"). Given a linguistic peculiarity, native Estonian speakers find it difficult to form the the "B" sound. Case in point, Estonian Kroons are not guaranteed by a bank, but by "Eesti Pank." What the populace swears they heard: "Reiz bij' man' skolu piedirs, tagad esi man' portfel' piedirs!" ("You once disrespected my school. Now you have taken a crap in my attache' case!")

Elizabete Rutens provide me these election results of the first four Saeimas elections, Jūlijs Celms stood for election in both the Vidzeme and Zemgale electoral districts. The results are summarized below:

JŪLIJS CELMS Vidzeme (votes for Celms) Position in Vidzemes LSDSP list after election Zemgale (votes for Celms) Position in Zemgales LSDSP list after election Total # of votes for Celms** % of the national vote for Celms Total # of LSDSP candidates elected in LV

4th Saeima election 1931 52,645 11th out of 23 26,619* 2nd out of 15 79,264 8.13% 21

3rd Saeima election 1928 67,805* 4th out of 24 37,395 3rd out of 15 105,200 11.21% 25

2nd Saeima election 1925 59,608 11th out of 23 37,968 4th out of 15 97,576 11.63% 32

1st Saeima election 1922 76,270* 15th out of 26 38,011 10th out of 15 114,281 14.27% 30

• I’ve bolded the numbers from the district from which he was elected. Unfortunately, I currently don't have this data for the 1925 election, so I don’t know whether he won his seat in the 2nd Saeima from Vidzeme or Zemgale. (Btw, Vidzeme had roughly twice as many voters as did Zemgale, so the number of votes he received in these constituencies doesn’t necessarily indicate that he was more popular in Vidzeme than Zemgale.)
  • (6th column) both now and during the 1st Republic, Latvian voters are given as many preferential votes as there are representatives to be elected from their district. In other words, they may cast a vote for or against each candidate on their chosen party’s slate. In addition, the electoral system for the 1st thru 4th Saeima permitted panachage, which allowed the electorate to cast these votes for (or against) candidates regardless of their party affiliation; someone who chose a party other than LSDSP was permitted to cross out the name of an undesirable candidate and write in your grandfather’s name and this vote was counted in his total. So these numbers reflect not just voters for the LSDSP slate in the two districts where he ran, but also include all voters in Vidzeme and Zemgale who cast a vote for your grandfather.
• * * *

Jāni, out of the 203 deputies elected during the 1st Republic, your grandfather was one of only 31 members of parliament who was elected to all four Saeimas. He entered the 1st Saeima, along with 26 other legislators – arguably our ‘founding fathers’ – who had served as elected representatives to the Satversmes Sapulce. Even though virtually every Saeimas incumbent ran for re-election in the subsequent nine years, by 1931 when the 4th Saeima was elected, your grandfather was one of only 19 ‘founding fathers’ of Latvia, who had continually served in parliament. Something else worth mentioning is that he continued to be re-elected even though LSDSP by the 3rd and 4th Saeimas began losing seats; see the last column in the table. In part, the decline of LSDSP has been attributed to 1) factions within LSDSP splitting off & creating their own parties (e.g., the so-called ‘mensheviks’ headed by Skujenieks); 2) the communists by 1928 no longer boycotting elections as they had for the first two Saeimas; and 3) the unhappiness of the electorate that LSDSP was in a constant ‘state of war’ with the nationalist parties that formed the governments. (Clearly, this last point is rather subjective and the author was from a very conservative party, which was to the right of Ulmanis.) However, your grandfather’s success is especially noteworthy because in 1928 & 1931 some LSDSP incumbents lost their seats to new candidates from their own party. Since I'm not examining the legislative record nor newspaper accounts that reveal scandals that might have had a negative impact on the re-election prospects of incumbents, I can't draw any conclusions about why your grandfather was so successful. But I do tend to think that we voters are a bit brighter than many give us credit and there must have been reasons why he was re-elected when others from his party were not.

______________________________________

Books written by Julijs Celms that I found at the Latvian Public Library:

1. Algebriska uzdevumu atvisinasanas metodes: Praktiks vidussk. Kursu atkart. 1922 – 1927

2. Aritmetiski uzdevumi, Pirmmacibas skolam 6, Valters & Rapa 1921

3. Aritmetiski uzdevum, Pirmmacibas skolam 5, Valters & Rapa 1920

4. Aritmetiski uzdevumi, Krajums prieks, Pirmmacibas taut skolam: Valters & Rapa 1906

Additional editions printed 1908, 1909, 1910

5. Ievadijums rekinazanas maciba 1913, Skaitlu un trigometriska lielum logaritmu tabulas

Additional editions printed 1921, 1923, 1926, 1927, 1929, 1933, 1937

6. Par cilvecas attistibu 1904

The book store Valter & Rapa still exists across from Riga Hotel. Maybe they have copies of all these books in the inventory somewhere. I remain surprised where Julijs found the time to continue writing classroom text boxes during this period of political turmoil. I have one copy of a textbook, which frankly is a very thorough high school level algebra textbook.

• ***********************************

___________________________________

FROM THE L.k.o.k. Lāčplēša kaŗa ordeņa kavalieŗi website, we have this information about Julijs.

LKOK nr.3/280

Celms, Jūlijs

Virsleitnants 8. Daugavpils kājnieku pulkā.

• 1879. g. 29. septembrī Pedeles pagastā.

+ 1935. g. 9. maijā Rīgā.

[Apbed%C4%ABts Brāļu kapos Rīgā.]

Apbalvots par uzbrukumu 1919. g. 7. novembrī pie Strelles mājām ienaidnieka aizmugurē Bolderājas rajonā.

Bijis Tautas Padomes loceklis, Satversmes Sapulces deputāts, Saeimas deputāts 1., 2. un 3. Saeimā. L.k.o, domes loceklis līdz 1928. gadam.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

CELMS JŪLIJS Pētera dēls

8. Daugavpils kājn. pulka virsleitnants.

Ordenis piešķirts 1920. gadā

Dzimis 1879. g. 29. sept. Pedeles (Lugažu) pag. 1900. g. beidzis Baltijas skolotāju semināru Kuldīgā. 1906. g., pārkrievošanas politikas spiests, skolotāja darbu atstājis, kā eksternis nolicis eksāmenu pilna ģimnāzijas kursa apmērā un studējis tautsaimniecību Maskavas komercinstitūtā.

Krievu armijā iesaukts 1916. g., dienējis kājniekos, 1917. g. febr. paaugst. par virsnieku. Piedalījies kaujās Minskas gub. un Austrijas frontē Bukovinā. Apbalv. ar Jura krusta IV šķ. Demobilizēts 1918. g. martā, Latvijā atgriezies nov. Piedalījies Latvijas Tautas Padomes dibināšanā un valsts proklamēšanā. Bijis Rīgas pilsētas valdes un domes loceklis līdz lielinieku iebrukumam.

Latvijas armijā iestājies brīvprātīgi 1919. g. maijā, piedalījies cīņās pret landesvēru 2. Cēsu kājn. pulka sastāvā, vēlāk ieskaitīts 8. Daugavpils kājn. pulkā, kura rindās cīnījies pret bermontiešiem.

1919. g. 7. nov. pie Bolderājas C. ar kareivju vadu ienaidnieka aizmugurē ielenca Strelles māju, straujā uzbrukumā padzina no tās vāciešus, saņēma gūstekņus, ieguva 22 zirgus un 2 ložmetējus, sacēla paniku ienaidnieka aizmugurē. Kā Tautas Padomes loceklis lielā mērā sekmēja garastāvokļa uzlabošanos mūsu karaspēkā.

1920. g. 1. jūn. atvaļināts, ievēlēts Satversmes Sapulcē, vēlāk arī 1., 2. un 3. Saeimā, darbojies sociāldemokrātu frakcijā, domes loceklis līdz 1928. g. nov. Bijis Saeimas finanšu un arī budžeta komisijas priekšsēdētājs. Kopš 1920. g. Rīgas pilsētas Diskonta bankas direktors, 1927.-1934. g. Latvijas bankas padomes priekšsēdētājs. Piešķirta jaunsaimn. Auru pag.

1935. g. kā Latvijas Sociāldemokrātiskās strādnieku partijas līderis sodīts ar 1 gada un 4 mēnešu cietumsodu par ieroču glabāšanu. Miris 1935. g. 10. maijā. Apbedīts Rīgā, Brāļu kapos.

http://www.lkok.com/detail1.asp?ID=299

_________________________

Šī sadaļa ir izstrādes stadijā

Izvēlēties literātu

Literāts: Celms Jūlijs

Žurnālists, sabiedrisks darbinieks.

Biogrāfija: 1879. 29. 09.Pedeles pag.- 1935. 09. 05. Rīgā. Apbedīts Brāļu kapos.

Beidzis Baltijas skolotāju semināru Kuldīgā 1900.gadā. Darbojies LSDSP. Bijis jau 1905. gadā "Pēterburgas Avīžu" redakcijas loceklis ( rakstījis ar pseidonīmu "Almokrats") . Darbojies "Dienas Lapā", "Jaunā Dienas Lapā", nelegālā "Cīņā" u.c. 1911.gadā bija "Laika Balss" faktiskais redaktors, rakstījis "Sociāldemokrātā". No 1916.gada līdz 1918.gadam dienējis Krievijas armijā, pēc tam no 1919.gada līdz 1920.gadam Latvijas armijā . Piedalījies Cēsu kaujās , cīņās pret bermontiešiem. No 1920.gada līdz 1922.gadam ir Satversmes sapulces deputāts un no 1922.gada līdz 1931.gadam Saeimas deputāts. Laikraksta " Talsu Vēstnesis" redaktors : 1926.- 1929.g. Publicējis rakstus par Latvijas ekonomiku, strādnieku kustību Latvijā, latviešu strēlniekiem, Latvijas Brīvības cīņām . Apbalvots ar Lāčplēša kara ordeni (III šķira, 1920.g.) , Krievijas Sv. Jura krustu (IV šķ.).

Atsauces un avoti:

Lāčplēša kara ordeņa kavalieri. Rīga, 1995, 114.lpp.

Latvijas enciklopēdija. Galv.red.H.Jubels. 1.sēj. R.: V.Belkoņa izdevniecība, 2002, 868.lpp.

Prande A. Latvju rakstniecība portrejās. Rīga, 1926, 302.lpp.

Par viņu:

Plašāku informāciju varat iegūt NB www.lnb.lv katalogos 

Elektroniskie resursi:

Latvijas Republikas Saeima - 2.Saeimas deputāts.

Latvijas Republikas Saeima - 3. Saeimas deputāts.

Prezidenta kancelejas mājas lapa - Lāčplēša ordeņa kavalieris.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

PLEASE FIND BELOW MY DAUGHTER, ELIZABETH CELMS, SENIOR THESIS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON – BALTIC STUDIES PROGRAM 2003 - DELIBERATING THE SUBTLE DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATS AND COMMUNISTS AND THEIR IDEOLOGY FOR LATVIA'S INDEPENDENCE, INTERSPERCED WITH PERSONAL REFLECTIONS ON HER TRIPS TO LATIVIA AS SHE LEARNS MORE AND MORE ABOUT JULIJS CELMS AND HIS BACKGROUND. ALSO, WHILE SHE WAS EDITOR OF THE BALTIC TIMES ~ 2004 TO 2007 ~ SHE PUBLISHED A SHORTENED VERSION FOR LATVIJAS UNIVERSITATES ON THEIR PHILOSOPHY WEBSITE BELOW. The pictures she sites in the document will be generally posted in Julijs photo section below. The web site is:

http://filozofija.lu.lv/celms.html

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Elizabeth Celms

Baltic Studies Program

Senior Thesis

University of Washington

June 5, 2003

Voices of a Revolution:

Jūlijs Celms, Cīņa and the Latvian Social Democrats

    *

* *
A small, blond, seven-year-old boy with his father’s eyes cautiously peeked from behind the satin curtains of the National Theater in Riga. It was a cloudy fall night with the sharp crispness of an early Baltic winter in the air. At approximately 6 o’clock on November 18, 1918, the little eavesdropper watched as his father, only a few feet away, stood proudly with eight of his fellow Social Democrats and 30 members of the People’s Council to declare the Republic of Latvia as an independent state.

Earlier that evening, Jūlijs Celms, a Latvian Social Democrat and later a four term member of Saeima (Latvian Parliament), had told his son, Aleksandrs, that if he promised to be very quiet and behave, he could share the stage - from behind the curtain of course - with Latvia’s most revered political figures during this historic moment. So the little boy kept as quiet as a mouse while he witnessed his father participate in one of the most triumphant moments of Latvia’s history.

• * *

The Latvian Social Democrat Workers’ Party (LSDSP) was officially established in 1904. Following the Jaunā Strāva (New Current) movement of the late 1800s, the Latvian Social Democrats pursued the rights of the working class and fueled the revolution against the bourgeois oppressors through their political movements, social agitation, and their party newspaper, Cīņa (the struggle) . The activity of the Social Democrats and the working class climaxed during the 1905 Russian Revolution and again during the 1917 revolution, leading up to Latvia’s independence. Many historians refer to this period in Latvia as the “national movement.” However, an independent Latvia was not on the minds of the working class or the social democrats during this uprising.

When Latvia declared independence at the end of World War One in 1918, it was essentially possible due to the collapse of the two great powers; Germany and Russia. Although the LSDSP and the workers’ revolution were not directly responsible for independence, indirectly the movement was a major factor in Latvia’s ability to declare sovereignty. Independence was certainly not the aim of the movement, but it was a by-product and the LSDSP played a significant role in its success.

The socialist ideology in Latvia took root with the industrial revolution at the turn of the 20th century. Latvians who were once agrarian serfs moved to the factories of Riga, Ventspils, and Jelgava. However, the exploitation of the working people continued in the cities’ industrial factories and workshops. In this setting, the Marxist notion of supporting people’s rights against the capitalist class soon developed. Socialist parties began to form in Latvia. Workers began to organize and protest for their rights. An uprising began.

Led by the LSDSP, the proletarian movement that began in 1904 unified and strengthened the Latvian working class in a collective struggle against the oppressing German and Russian powers. Cīņa clearly voices these unified feelings of proletarian revolution and unification. Although in some of the poetry there are scarce hints towards the idea of a free state, the overall tone of Cīņa is dominantly proletarian. A convergence of Latvian nationalism and social democracy did not arise until the opportunity for independence presented itself at the end of the World War One.

One of the events leading up to this convergence was when the Latvian Social Democrats split in 1917. The more Nationalist inclined party members became Menshevik-Unionists and joined with other political groups in the process of declaring national independence. The more Internationalists turned to Bolshevik-Leninism and took Cīņa with them to Russia. This split symbolized the end of and era for Cīņa and the convergence of Social Democracy and Latvian independence.

Through its articles, headlines, announcements, and poetry, Cīņa voices the political objectives of the LSDSP, their incitement of the workers’ revolution, and their abhorrence towards their oppressors; both the Baltic German nobility and the Russian Tsar. The developing freedom of the press with the publication of this newspaper gave the working people a voice for the first time in Latvia. Cīņa’s wide distribution and radical avocations greatly contributed to the workers’ uprising, which eventually led to the collapse of the Tsarist and Baltic German empires.

However, before discussing the LSDSP newspaper, one must go back to the late 1800s and the Jaunā Strāva (New Current) movement in Latvia. The Jaunā Strāva movement and its newspaper Dienas Lapa, which was founded in 1886 by F. Bergmans, symbolize the birth of the socialist ideology in Latvia. In 1888 the newspaper took a more radical tone under the editorship of political activist Pēteris Stučka and then Jānis Rainis from 1891 to 1897; both of whom published articles promoting the party’s radical socialist ideals. “It doesn’t frighten us that the ideal is far and difficult to achieve, to make up for it, on the contrary, this ideal is higher and nobler and it is even more worth it to strive for it.”

Jaunā Strāva mainly consisted of university students and workers who discussed and devoted themselves to European socialist literature and the ideologies of leading European socialists such as Germans Karl Marx, Karl Kautsky, August Bebel, and Wilhelm Liebknecht and Russia’s Vladimir Lenin. The group published these ideas as well as information on the socialist movement in other parts of Europe and some party propaganda in Dienas Lapa, which Latvian Social Democrat Bruno Kalniņš later describes as, “a powerful weapon of agitation in the hands of the first Latvian socialists.”

Due to its socialist content, Dienas Lapa was shut down in 1897. The organization disintegrated when many of the members, including Stučka and Rainis, were arrested and exiled or fled to avoid persecution. The Russian Imperial government, fearing the Marxist position of the movement, closed down Dienas Lapa because of its associated activities in obtaining and distributing illegal literature from abroad. The arrests of the Jaunā Strāva members resulted in a decline of socialist activity in Latvia until the emergence of the LSDSP in 1904. Although in and out of exile over the next twenty years, Stucka and Rainis re-emerged as critical members of the LSDSP and major contributors to Cīņa from both Latvia and abroad.

Amidst a time of industrialization, growing city population, grueling working conditions, and a brewing proletarian Riga, the First Congress of the Latvian Social Democrats was held in June 1904. During this meeting, a decision was made to not join the Russian Social Democratic Workers Party (RSDWP). Between June 20th and 23rd, the LSDSP was established along with the first legal publication of their newspaper Cīņa. The paper was published abroad by Roziņš’ press in Bern, Switzerland and sent into Latvia. In the beginning, 3,000 copies of the publication were printed once a month. However, according to Kalniņš, the newspaper was read by five times that many people because it was passed on from hand to hand.

In Russia, a similar social democratic movement was flourishing under the RSDWP and their party organ Pravda. Ethnically based socialist organizations in Russia, which included Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians and Jews, collaborated with Russians in opposition to the aristocracy of St. Petersburg. The growing agitation among the proletariat of St. Petersburg and Moscow influenced similar uprisings in Latvia. This developed into a mutual pattern of back and forth agitation between Russia and Latvia.

    *

* *

Shortly after the 1905 Revolution, Jūlijs Celms, his wife Milda and his newly born daughter Laima joined the exodus of nearly 8,000 Baltic revolutionaries sent into exile. As an editor of Cīņa, the Latvian Social Democrat newspaper, and one of the most active members of his party, there was no way Jūlijs could conceal his political beliefs. Along with fellow Social Democrats Jānis Rainis and Peteris Stučka, Jūlijs and his family were forced to leave Latvia.

The refugee family first left for Helsinki, where Jūlijs continued to edit Cīņa under the pseudonym “Almokrats” until he moved to Moscow some time during 1909. In Moscow, he became actively involved with the local exiled Latvian community and continued to utilize his political experience and audaciousness to fuel the Social Democrat movement abroad. Keeping the surname “Almokrats”, Jūlijs edited the Latvian newspaper “Laika Balss” until he returned with his family to Riga in 1918. He was one of the many exiles that helped keep Latvia updated with the latest news and progress in the workers’ revolution in Russia.

Jūlijs joined his younger brother Teodors, who later became one of Latvia’s most respected philosophers, in attending Moscow University where he studied to become a math teacher and wrote several textbooks on mathematics, which he continued to write and publish after he returned to Latvia in 1918.

Amidst this flurry of revolution, workers’ strikes, editing newspapers and studying mathematics, Jūlijs’ son, Aleksandrs, was born on August 10, 1911. Throughout the years of revolution, war and the blooming of Latvia’s independence, Jūlijs kept Aleksandrs by his side, raising him as a loyal Latvian, a loyal democrat, and a loyal son. Aleksandrs was Jūlijs’ only son. The only son to pass on the Celms name. The only son to pass on the Celms eyes.

• * *

Serving as the public voice for the LSDSP, the content of Cīņa promoted social democratic ideals, the struggle of the working class and the eight hour work day, and the prompting for proletarian revolution in Latvia. The party motto published in the paper’s first issue in March of 1904 encompasses the overall goals of the party.

Motto:

Come workers. Stand in groups,

Because now the big struggle soon will start.

Already the battle flag flutters,

Now the people will rescue themselves.

We want to give to all the people what the sun, air and earth Gives, and what science is able to invent.

That is the highest goal for our struggle:

That golden morning of freedom.

We must win, because the people are with us.

The editors of Cīņa published this poem in their first issue to serve as the party “motto”. This clearly idealistic motto introduces the tone of Cīņa that was somewhat constant over the next thirteen years of its publication until the newspaper took a dramatic turn in 1917. The first sentence of the motto addresses the paper’s intended audience, the “workers”. This proves the well-established fact that Cīņa was aimed at the working class of Latvia. One must also note that the extended title of the paper is Cīņa; Baltijas Latviešu Sociāldemokrātiskās Strādnieku Organizācijas izdevums. (The Struggle; Baltic Latvian Social-Democratic Workers’ Organization Publication).

When the motto mentions “our struggle”, it refers to the working class struggle against the oppressing powers; Tsarist Russia and the Baltic German autocracy. However, the “people” in the motto is a somewhat ambiguous term. On the surface, it represents the working people introduced in the first sentence. But, since the publishers of Cīņa are writing in Latvian (the LSDSP was not part of the RSDRP), the “people” can also be defined as the Latvian people.

Furthermore, Kalniņš proves that working class can arguably be associated with Latvians. Although there were several ethnicities that made up the proletariat in Latvia, Kalniņš points out that the majority were Latvian. He explains that the characteristic feature of the Latvian party was that more than 70 percent of its members were workers, whereas the membership of the Russian Social Democratic Party came mostly from the ranks of the intelligentsia. Although in 1904 these editors could not have foreseen Latvian independence, in mentioning “our” struggle for “freedom”, the motto creates a sense of unity that can be applied both to the working class and the Latvian people. It is this sense of unity and revolt that strengthens the Latvian working class and allows them to rise up against the Baltic Germans and the Russians.

• *

With the Easter smell of vinegar hanging in the air and the starchy aftertaste of hard boiled eggs lingering on our tongues, my father, sister and I steal away from the kitchen where our onion wrapped eggs are boiling and get lost in the world of archives and photo albums in my grandmother’s bedroom. Soon we are sitting in a pile of black and white photographs, yellowed newspaper clippings, and carefully preserved diplomas, certificates, and military honors. As we flip through the photo albums we awe at the almost identical resemblance between my father and my great-grandfather, my brother and my grandfather, and my youngest sister and my grandmother. Somehow the resemblance is always in the eyes.

Krista poses to look exactly like Omam in the photograph of her wedding. Yup, it’s those same dark eyes that Krista always tries to cover up with concealer and eye shadow, we laugh.

(Pictures of Aleksandrs and Emma (Omam), Laima and Aleksandrs – circa 1918

Omams and Opaps wedding - 1944

Then we tease my brother Kārlis. We always catch him with the same dazed into nowhere look that Opaps shows in a picture taken with his older sister when he was about six. Laima is looking directly at the camera for the photo, but Opaps – just like Kārlis – is gazing away from the camera, lost in space.

Then we tease Paps, laughing at the stern face he always pulls on in a “serious” discussion. We always know that the dinner conversation is turning “serious” when Paps’ eyes suddenly furrow, he purses up his mouth and sort of pulls his head into his neck. Now we know who he gets this expression from, we laugh, looking at a photograph of Jūlijs Celms. Now all Paps needs is the fuzzy caterpillar moustache.

As we flip through page after page of photographs we realize how important these people are and how much history we have, folded away in these pages. In almost every photograph, Jūlijs is joined by members of the Latvian Social Democrat party and Saeima, receiving the Lāčplēša award from president Čakste, or posing in a sophisticated military uniform.

Then there are the pictures of his brother, Teodors, who looks as though he would be found in a text book next to a photograph of Nietzsche, Plato, or Einstein. His hair is furrowed like any great thinker who has neither time nor interest in self grooming. His eyes are deep and penetrating, as though he is pondering the meaning of life. And his finger is just slightly touching his chin – the quintessential philosopher. Teodors has every right to look like this. He was one of the greatest Latvian and European philosophers of his time. My father tells us that he is still highly regarded in Latvia and his books and studies on transcendental phenomenology continue to be debated by philosophers around the world today.

Picture of Philospher Teodors Celms – circa 1922

After spending three years studying philosophy under leading philosophers Heinrich Rickert and Edmund Husserl at the University of Freiburg in Germany, Teodors obtained a doctoral degree in philosophy in 1925. In the 1930s, Teodors published Latvian volumes in Riga including, “Tagadnes Problēmas” (The Problems of Today) in 1934 and “Patiesība un Šķitums” (Truth and Appearance) in 1939.

At the end of WWII, Teodors moved to Germany and then to Rock Island, Illinois in 1949 where he worked at Augustana College until he retired 14 years later. In America, Teodors wrote a book in German entitled, “Phänomen and Wirklichkeit des Ichs. Studien über das subjective Sein” (Phenomenon and Reality of I. Studies of the Subjective Being). The book, however, was never published. In 1989, Latvia’s most prominent philosopher died in Illinois. In 1993, the University of Latvia published a Centennial memorial book on Theodor Celms. His niece, Jelena Celms today is a Philosophy Professor at the University of Latvia carrying on his tradition.

“You know I think one of the most amazing things about our family history is how far they came in one generation. In one generation the rose from serfdom in the 1800s to the top rung of Latvian society as politicians, military heroes, and nationally recognized intellectuals,” my dad told us, and he was right.

It’s a strange feeling to find photographs of your great grandfather in Latvian history books, military records, and memoirs by great political leaders and world renowned historians like Brūno Kalniņš and Andrew Ezergailis. It’s even stranger to know that his grandparents were serfs, working long hours in the fields and struggling to get enough food on their plates to survive. According to the family tree my dad has on his wall, nine of their twelve children survived.

I remember the first time I went to Latvia in 1993. Only a couple of hours after we got off the plane, jet-lagged and hungry, my uncle drove us out to BrāĮu Kapi, where Jūlijs is buried. As I walked through the immense stone gate, past the gazing eyes of sculpted warriors on bucking horses and through the rows of carefully tended grave stones, I knew that I was someplace sacred.

Pictures of Jānis, Emma and Haralds Celms Jānis, Ali, Omam and I stand by by Jūlijs’ grave in Brāļu Kapi - 1983 Aleksandrs and Milda’s graves near Brāļu Kapi - 1993

Everywhere I went in that cemetery there was an aura of eternal heroism, military pride, patriotism, and the tranquil silence that can only be found in the presence of those now resting in peace. I remember we walked in complete silence, in complete respect. In the very middle of the cemetery, directly under the eyes of the Mother Māra statue that overlooks the gravestones, we found the stone bearing the name Jūlijs Celms. As I placed the flowers on Jūlijs’ gravestone, not knowing a thing about my great grandfather at the time, I realized that he must have been really important.

• * *

One of the main purposes of Cīņa was to incite its readers to get involved with the workers’ revolution and to spread the word to others. The paper was used not only to inform the public, but as a means of involving them as well. “We call on comrades to come and help us, to disseminate our publication widely, – to send in the news and material and to stir up questions...” The social democrat writers used a dramatic and passionately persuasive writing style in Cīņa that praises the freedom of the press and rouses a national sense of hatred for the oppressing autocracies.

But the free words will no longer be silenced in the Baltic! Our newspaper also will preach that: it will guard the workers’ true interests, illuminate life from their condition, wake up the sleepyheads, give courage to the fearful, and will call and assemble the conscientious Latvian proletariat to struggle and to win!

The phrase “Latvian proletariat” further proves Cīņa’s association between the Latvian people and the proletariat in the struggle against the bourgouise oppressors. In the birth of Cīņa, the Social Democrats bring back the passionate and radical style of writing that was characteristic of Dienas Lapa, and that ultimately led to its termination.

A month after the establishment of the LSDSP, Cīņa published a two page article describing the accomplishments of the First Congress and introducing this newly established party in greater detail to the public. “But the most important event remains the party’s unity. With deep happiness and satisfaction we no longer feel like individual workers, but like comrades, and like fighters in one large party.” Referring to the First Congress, the social democrats emphasize their excitement and happiness in the birth of this new movement in Latvia. They focus on the unity of the party as a positive strength, a strength that will carry them through the years until the party splits in 1917.

Once the authors introduce their happiness in forming a cohesive organization of Latvian social democrats, the article goes on to describe the successful agitation occurring in Riga as a result of party unification.

The reports on committee activities submitted at the congress testify that the Social Democratic movement in the Baltic has become a noticed power whose weight influences all daily life. The largest achievements are now visible in Riga. This can be seen by broad agitation over working conditions and improvements in all of Riga’s large factories, workshops and other local enterprises where exploitation, terrible work conditions and other violations from factory owners and managers exist almost everywhere.

Although it is impossible to know exactly how many people were influenced by Cīņa’s publication, significant uprisings among Riga’s working class have been well documented and reach a climax after the 1905 Russian Revolution. In addressing this question, historian Andrew Ezergailis points out that,

Most of the research and analysis has been done by Social Democrats, and it is natural to assume that they may have exaggerated the role of the Party. It does appear certain, however, that in many instances the Party provided the initial spark. It is known that the Social Democrats organized the armed “fighter” groups in the cities and in the country side, and that the majority of the “fighters” were Party people; no doubt the Party was also behind the general strikes in the cities.

In reaction to the January workers revolution in St. Petersburg, the LSDSP saw their chance to fuel a similar uprising among the working class in Latvia. The Social Democrats rallied for workers all over Latvia to strike using Cīņa as the main means of communication. According to Johnson, on the night of January 12, 1905, the Central Committee of the LSDSP issued 15,000 copies of a proclamation declaring a general strike.

In addition to St. Petersburg, the results in the Baltic, Poland and other countries were staggering. In Riga, January 13 was the most significant day of protesting. According to Ezergailis, the total number of workers striking in the streets reached 80,000 - 54,000 more than the previous day. A possible increase in protestors may be attributed to the LSDSP’s rallying efforts. A month later, Cīņa described the mass participation and significance of the event.

January’s events in St. Petersburg, the Baltic, Poland, and other parts of the country led to the first historical bloody drama, where Russia was the wide stage and the heroes were Russia’s proletariat. Hundreds and hundreds of thousands of workers walked out of the factories and workshops to join with St. Petersburg’s workers in their struggle against the autocracy…A new era began in our revolution movement.

Similar to the dramatic “Bloody Sunday” in St. Petersburg, the revolution in Riga was violent. The protesting workers encountered soldiers and police at the railway bridge over the Daugava River. Although the details of the confrontation are debated, ultimately the forces opened fire on the rowdy crowd, creating a scene of chaos. In the end, eight soldiers and seventy protesters were killed and two hundred were injured.

Cīņa later portrays this event, along with the strikes of subsequent months and years, as some of the most revered movements in proletarian history. Those who died in this battle would serve as martyrs and would be remembered and honored in Cīņa’s poetry and writing. The strikes were idealized as valiant episodes in the struggle for the rights of the working class and used as inspiration for further agitation and striking in subsequent years. In 1911, Cīņa published this passage to remind the working class about the glory of the 1905 and 1906 revolutions in an attempt to keep this struggle alive.

The 1905 and 1906 strike movement, that seemed dead long ago, shakes ahead again with new vigor and accomplishments…’All for one and one for all’- this slogan of the worker class burns again in the brilliance of lightning through factories full of smoke and steam, through sooty work areas, through workers’ basement and attic dwellings. What is most important and necessary for the success of the workers’ struggle has already been established: the proletariat has again regained trust in the power of their own class, goes again toward its own future goals, and is becoming again an organized power and therefore, long live the strike!

Cīņa has good reason to idealize and remember the revolutions of 1905 and 1906. Despite the fact that overall, they were not completely successful, they were arguably some of the most important events leading up to Latvia’s independence. Not only did the events unify the working class, but they also created a sense of power among the Latvians as a people. “There were two emotionally charged aspects to [the Revolution]: the sense of liberation experienced by the Latvians during the course of that Revolution, and the bloody suppression of it by a punitive expedition into Latvia in 1906/1907.”

Furthermore, the revolution in Latvia accomplished some important objectives for the LSDSP that were crucial in the later success of the party. In addition to achieving an eight-hour work day, among other workers’ rights, the revolution created a re-structuring of Latvian society and government free of German interference and Russian bureaucracy. Ezergailis goes on to summarize the changes saying that, in the ultimate sense, this was a demand for an autonomous Latvia within a free, federative Russia. These successes symbolize Latvia’s first step in rising above their German and Russian oppressors.

• *

My father passed on to me the story of Opaps hiding behind the curtain as a little boy during Latvia’s declaration of independence, just as he had heard it from his father. It is a heart warming story - a nice, short and simple family legend that connects our name to a historical moment through a young child’s memory. But for whatever reason, it is the only memory and the only story that has been passed on from that ceremonious day. It is the only family recollection of November 18 that lives on through the immortality of storytelling.

However, I have found traces of my great-grandfather’s presence at that event in other sources of history such as Brūno Kalninš’ memoirs. I have gained more insight on Jūlijs’ role in the Social Democrat Party, the days leading up to November 18, the night of proclamation, and the battles for Latvia over the following years from Kalniņš’ memoirs than any family source. In his memoirs, Vēl Cīņa Nav Galā and Latvijas Sociāldemokratijas Piecdesmit Gadi, Kalniņš reveals quotes by Jūlijs, the events he was a part of and the people he associated with, all the while revealing bits and pieces of the Latvian Social Democrat scene during those years. I have compiled and developed some quotes from Kalniņš’ memoirs that helped me paint a more detailed picture of my great grandfather’s role in Latvia’s independence and what went on during that historic November night.

According to Kalniņš and our own family records, Jūlijs returned to Riga from Moscow to join the growing activity among the Latvian Social Democrats in 1918. “From Russia returned also the old party official and the legal Social Democrat newspaper editor in the years before the war, Jūlijs Celms, who was later a member of Saeima parliament.” This is the first mentioning of my great grandfather by Kalniņš and marks the beginning of their relationship, both as friends and political comrades.

Kalniņš writes that Jūlijs resided at Kr. Barona Street apartment #31 and was surrounded by neighbors of rather notable status. The apartments upstairs from Jūlijs were rented by future president Kārlis Ulmanis and Miķelis Valters, a recognized nationally oriented Social Democrat. Jūlijs’ downstairs neighbor was Dr. Pauls Kalninš, who later became president of the Saeima. Jūlijs’ wife ran an elementary school a few doors down in apartment #37, where the Social Democrats often held meetings on the sly.

On the evening of November 17, 1918, a large meeting was held at Jaunais Teātris where the Social Democrats voted to join the National Union and participate in the declaration of independence. According to Kalniņš, the decision to join the National Union was influenced by persuasive arguments from himself, Jūlijs and several other Social Democrats. “There [Jaunais Teātris] four of our speakers; Pauls Kalniņš, Jūlijs Celms, Fricis Menders, and I made clear why the Latvian workers must stand for the establishment of the free and democratic Latvian Republic.” After this significant decision was made, the group began planning for the creation of Latvia’s People’s Council.

In Kalniņš’ discussion of this meeting, he introduces one of the most famous names in Latvian history and culture who was also a member of this close political circle – Jānis Rainis. “The assembly also acknowledged that they must create the Latvian People’s Council. Besides this, they sent a telegram to Jānis Rainis in Castagnola, ‘to the poet of pain and struggle,’ inviting him to return to his birth land.” Like Jūlijs, Rainis also returned Riga upon request. Rainis returned to his homeland two years after Jūlijs, in 1920.

• * *

There were many repercussions for those who participated in the Revolution. After the revolt in Russia was subdued, Moscow sent 19,000 troops to restore governmental control in Riga. Between the years of 1905 and 1908, 2,556 people were killed, 8,000 exiled, and 5,000 emigrated. Jānis Rainis, who had returned from his first exile in 1897 and was an active Social Democrat and participant in the Revolution of 1905, again became one of the vast numbers of Latvian exiles.

The bloody struggle and the martyred deaths that occurred on those January days are continuously reflected in poetry published in Cīņa over the next decade. Through their vivid imagery and metaphors, the poems honor those who lost their lives during the revolution while condemning and villainizing the autocratic oppressors. Although Rainis spent the next 15 years exiled in Switzerland, Cīņa kept his spirit alive in Latvia by publishing many of his patriotic proletarian poems. In the celebration of Cīņa’s 100th publication, Rainis’ poem “Sarkanais Simts” (the Red One-hundred) was published on the first page. His name however, was not published.

But Proletariat,

The land trembles, the lands tremble in might,

Only one passion, one spirit, one mind:

One-hundred thousand, a million more

Workers from the entire earth longed to destroy the old state.

A host of nations enters the big end battle.

Go, tend the flame of struggle!

Go in line, our red one-hundred!

There will be a time when the entire humanity will become a family of freedom.

Let it happen!

In celebrating the vitality of Cīņa, “Go, you red one-hundred”, this poem also promotes the vitality of Latvia’s proletariat. Similar to the motto in the first publication of Cīņa, there exists a desire for proletarian freedom from the German and Russian oppressors in Rainis’ words, “behind you are thousands, a family of freedom” and “there will be a time when the entire humanity will become a family of freedom.” This poem represents Rainis’ dedication to the international social democrat ideals and promotes revolution against the Russians and German bourgeoisie.

• *

What exactly did my great grandfather experience on the night of November 18, 1918? What sort of energy radiated through the theater on that night? How did the ceremony proceed? What was the atmosphere like after the moment of proclamation? What were Jūlijs and his fellow Social Democrats feeling during this jubilant occasion - exuberance, triumph, pride, anxiety or maybe even fear?

None of these questions were answered in the family story about my grandfather hiding behind the theater’s curtains. In fact, I depended completely on my imagination when trying to paint the scene that my great grandfather experienced during Latvia’s night of proclamation. I would refer to this elaborately imagined scenario until I stumbled across a section in Brūno Kalniņš’ Vēl Cīņa Nav Galā where he describes the night in great detail.

He was there and this is what he experienced. Or more accurately, what he remembers that he experienced. I will never know exactly what my great grandfather felt on that night, but at least after reading Kalniņš’ description, I can finally paint the scene.

“Around four o’clock p.m. we started to assemble in the theater. The day was cloudy and dark. In the theater we gathered behind the stage, in the actors’ rooms . . . we walked in a procession of pairs into the corridor of the theater’s ground floor and then, alone from our partners, we walked through the center doorway, into the hall and up onto the stage, where chairs had been placed in three rows. In the middle of the stage was a table with flowers for the People’s Council. The public greeted us with applause.

Who were these people, who filled the theater hall and three balconies? They were the active workers of eight parties and Latvia’s educated with their families. There we saw many Latvian doctors, lawyers, teachers, agriculturists, writers, artists, journalists, culture workers, officers and students. There were few workers because the proclamation happened on a work day. Everything developed in a big hurry and we did not have the time nor the possibility to spread news about the proclamation in the work places.

Picture of the November 18, 1918. The Proclamation of Latvia’s Independence at Jaunais Teatris. Taken From Bruno Kalnins’ Vēl Cīņa Nav Galā p.200

While observing the only photograph taken during the entire assembly, it must be made clear that it shows the assembly’s conclusion. The people’s council members and the public have risen to their feet to sing the national anthem. This photograph shows the stage filled with people. The total count is at least nine times bigger than the People’s Council. Where did these people appear from? They were the Reiters choir, which the People’s Council had invited so that the national anthem would sound powerful and impressive.”

In another memoir by Kalniņš entitled Latvijas Sociāldemokratijas Piecdesmit Gadi, Kalniņš quotes Pauls Kalniņš reading the LSDSP fraction of the declaration.

“Today, on November 18, 1918, representatives of the united Latvia’s democracy members unite and announce the founding of an independent Latvia. We LSDSP members, also find it necessary at this time to promote the development of free Latvia into an independent state. In the free and independent Latvia we don’t yet have a goal, but only the means for the attainment of our goals. As earlier, so now, we stand on the foundations of International Socialism. Its and our goal is a socialist republic in the union of free nations.”

Around eight p.m., the act of proclamation came to a finish and the participants called out in celebration. Kalniņš concludes his account of that night with a beautiful stanza from Rainis’ patriotic play, Daugava,

On one dark night

The red-white sky glimmers –

In the red-white sky

Shine three golden stars.

• * *

Many Latvian poets, almost all of whom wrote under pseudonyms, and most of whom wrote from jail or exile, reflected on the Revolutions of 1905 and 1906 in their poetry. In an effort to keep the struggle alive among the people, Cīņa romanticizes these events and honors the martyrs who died for their struggle. Cīņa consistently published the work of these anonymous writers until 1917. Overall, the poetry was dramatically patriotic to the LSDSP and idealized many aspects of the workers’ struggle against the bourgeois oppressors, both Russian and German.

On March 3, 1906, Cīņa published a poem by “Adata” (“Needle”) entitled “Latvija”. According to Andrew Ezergailis, “Adata” is a pseudonym for P. Pekmanis, a social democrat with Menshevik leanings. Pekmanis’ poem illustrates the fact that during the Revolutions of 1905, the Latvian proletariat not only rose against Tsarist Russia, but the German autocracy as well.

Latvia’s valleys are drenched in blood, with blood the morning reddens. But the tyrants drink heavily and laugh, and they divide up what they have stolen.

Latvia’s valleys are drenched in blood, the tip of the hill reddens in shame, but the murderers go with smiling faces and their voice rings in happiness.

Latvia’s valleys are drenched in blood, Latvia’s face covered with sadness,

But in the splendid castles there are dances. And the gaze of the immoral girl glimmers…

But the oppressed people will soon rise, from new they will go in struggle, until the last castle will be destroyed.

Until the murderers will be revenged.

(In the central jail, May 20th) - Adata

This dramatic poem resonates the reoccurring theme of Cīņa; the idealized socialist desire for the working class to one day “revenge” the capitalists and aristocrats and “rise” above these powerful giants. This same goal is later achieved nationally at the end of WWI when the German and Russian powers collapse and Latvia rises to establish its own freedom.

Many people associate the Revolution of 1905 as being against Tsarist Russia. However, in order for the Latvian people to “rise”, both the German and Russian powers had to be weakened. This poem describes the historically violent uprising against the German autocracy during the years of Revolution. The burning of baronial castles constituted another destructive feature of the Revolution…according to Cielēns, during the peak period, in one week alone, 150 castles were destroyed.

• *

One of the most valuable artifacts from Jūlijs Celms’ life that our family covets is his Lāčplēša Ordenis, signed by Latvia’s first president Jānis Čakste. The paper certificate of this great military honor is mounted and framed in my grandmother’s bedroom. The corners of the blue card are wrinkled and torn, but the writing is still legible. Above the certificate is a photograph of Jūlijs Celms sitting proud with the Lāčplēsis medal fastened to his chest. Above that is a picture of president Čakste pinning the medal onto Jūlijs’ military jacket as he stands in a respectful salute.

Pictures of Čakste pins the Lāčplēša medal on Jūlijs – 1921 Jūlijs with Lāčplēša medal –1921

Lāčplēša military award signed by Čakste - 1921

Jūlijs was awarded this distinguished honor for he valiant courage and strength when defending Riga from the Germans in the October 1919 Bermondt Battle. This was the extent of our family’s knowledge on the matter. We knew little about the Bermondt attack and almost nothing about Jūlijs’ role in the battle. In an attempt to finally understand what went on during those cold October days and what Jūlijs did to become a military hero, my dad contacted Latvian historian Roberts Laivinš and asked if he would research the subject.

Using the same Brūno Kalniņš memoirs that I have quoted as his primary sources, Laiviņš sent my father a summary of the Bermondt battle and Jūlijs role in the event. Using Laiviņš’ summary as my guide, I tracked down the primary sources that he used for his research. Both were the Kalninš memoirs that I have already quoted. Upon this discovery, I began my own research on my great grandfather and the Bermondt battle.

According to Kalninš, the Latvians were greatly outnumbered by the Germans during the Bermondt attack. The scene was chaotic with confusion and orders were being given to abandon Riga. Colonel Zemitāns from the Northern Group of the Latvian Army attempted to rally the fleeing Latvian Troops at Jugla. However, Jūlijs and the Riga volunteers decided to hold their positions, which ultimately saved the day.

Led by Jūlijs’ orders, on October 9, the LSDSP sent out a general call to arms of the citizenry by both mouth and newspaper. Under Jūlijs’ editorship of “Sociāldemokrats”, the LSDSP was able to rally hundreds of residents to join the defense of their city through the paper.

“On that same day, ‘Sociāldemokrats’ printed a leading article, inviting the Latvian workers and landless peasants to join in the battle for life and death against the enemies of Latvia’s freedom. The article concluded with the slogan: ‘Do not show the Bermondt soldiers any mercy!’  Although the Bermondt soldiers were located on the opposite shore of the Daugava, “Sociāldemokrats” was printed in the center of Riga during the first week after the battle began, only several hundred meters from the front. On the 13th of October, the LSDSP Riga committee let out their own well-known leaflet ‘To arms!’ and invited all of Riga’s workers who were able to carry weapons, without delay, to join the army.’ 

After the LSDSP called to arms the workers of Riga, citizens united with soldiers to fight what was described as a fierce battle under freezing weather conditions. For weeks the Latvian nationalists defended their city with all their strength and valor. In the end they were victorious.

It is for Jūlijs’ heroic military leadership and courage during those cold October and November days of Battle that he received the Lāčplēša Ordenis in 1921. From that moment on, he was revered not only as a prominent political leader, but a military hero.

• * *

Another poem published after the 1905 revolution, in 1906, reveals the intense feeling of animosity towards the Russian Monarchy.

Russia-Prison

Russia – a prison, a prison country, a prison is the support of powerful Russia,

And we, its citizens, we are all prisoners.

In prison we choke, in prison we groan, in prison we long for freedom;

In prison we pour tears and blood,

In prison we are alive – without life

In prison the sun’s rays do not shine in

In prison we do not see the days...

A dark eternity…an eternal night…

Four damp walls…

We are not allowed to take a step from prison,

In vain we long after the light –

Russia – a prison, a prison country,

nightsticks and prison are Russia’s support….

-Smuika

Smuika’s extremely transparent metaphors illustrate the feelings of desperation and despise for the Russian Tsarist regime. It is unclear whether Smuika is a Russian or a Latvian living under Tsarist Russia. However, the fact that this poem is published in Latvian for a Latvian audience, provides some evidence that these feelings towards Russia are shared by the LSDSP as well as its Latvian readers.

These themes of revolution, social uprising, class struggle, and unification among the Latvian proletariat re-surface again and again in Cīņa’s publications throughout WWI and up until the beginning of 1917 when the LSDSP undergoes a dramatic split and the idea of Latvian independence is born.

It is important to note that previous to the 1917 party split into Menshevik-Unionists and Bolshevik-Leninists, there was a proposal for the LSDSP to merge with the RSDWP in 1906. In August of this year, the Third Congress of the LSDP was held to vote on the proposed union. Peteris Stučka was editor of Cīņa at the time and according to Johnson, strongly in support of the merge. Ultimately, the LSDSP entered the RSDWP as an autonomous unit and changed its name to the Latvian Social Democracy. It was stipulated that the Latvian SD would enter the RSDWP with complete independence in determining programs and tactics within its own territory; furthermore, the Latvian SD had the right to call its own congress and conferences and to elect its own central committee. Despite this merge, the Mensheviks remained in control of the LSD.

• *

Laima Celms was a Communist through and through. My dad recalls his father telling him, in a hushed whisper, the story of how his older sister got out of the house.

Growing up in Riga during the early 1920s, Laima had several opportunities to join the blooming Leninist movement. At first in secrecy from her parents, Laima began reading and researching books on Bolshevik ideas during her teenage years. About the time Laima entered high school, as a very bright and ambitious girl, she became involved with Communist groups on campus.

Raised by a father who was an active leader of Saeima and the Latvian Social Democrat Party, Laima’s strong political instincts would seem to be expected. What wasn’t expected was that the daughter of a man who helped establish Latvia’s Independence, who received the Lāčpēlsis medal of honor for defending Latvia’s freedom, and who joined the more nationalist inclined Menshevik-Unionists when the Social Democrat party split from the Bolsheviks in 1917, would become a devout Bolshevik herself.

My grandfather, Opaps, remembered his father and sister erupting into heated political arguments at night. Having inherited her father’s stubbornness, Laima refused to renounce her political views. Jūlijs could no longer tolerate it. He refused to allow a Communist to live under his roof, even if it was his only daughter.

Laima was kicked out of the house at the age of 18. She packed her bags and left for Moscow, where her Bolshevik values would be more accepted.

Laima’s disappearance was not discussed in the house. The Celms family silently accepted that they were now down to three and the photographs testify to the reduction.

Picture of Milda Celms, Jūlijs Celms, and Aleksandrs Celms after Laima was kicked out of the house – circa 1926

Portraits that once showed a family of four suddenly become a family of three. In the middle of a photograph taken shortly after Laima was expelled from the house, Jūlijs sits tall and proud with his loyal son and wife leaning around him. The family is as it should be. No Communists are present. No traitors. No rebellious daughter.

Two generations later, the hushed secrecy of this story has not yet evaporated. I never knew my grandfather had an older sister, not until I asked who the girl with the braided hair in the photograph was. It was then that my dad suddenly took on a nervous smile and whispered, “That’s Opaps’ older sister. But she got kicked out of the house for being a Communist.”

By his expression, I knew the story was taboo. The Celms family accepts the Social Democrat label, but with Latvia’s history over the past century, we somehow still refuse to have the Communist stigma attached to our name.

Jūlijs Celms was a Social Democrat. He was not a Communist. The distinction between these two political labels, which so easily blended together in my mind, is suddenly made strikingly clear. To my grandfather, the ideas of Social Democracy and Communism were not the same thing. In fact the ideas were so different they could not exist under the same roof - even if the believers shared the same blood.

After “the thaw” under Kruschev in the late 1950s, my grandfather, living in Tacoma, maintained contact with his sister through letters. She had been living in Moscow where she was actively involved with the Communist party and was happily married with two children. In 1950, Laima moved back to Latvia and reconciled with her mother. She looked after Milda until her death in 1953.

Although they corresponded by letter for years, my grandfather never saw Laima until 1975 when he visited Latvia for the first time since he left in 1944. The two siblings were finally reunited after nearly fifty years of separation. Opaps held no grudges, after all, Laima was his sister. She about ten years later in the 1980s – buried as a Communist, in Communist Latvia’s soil

• * *

Since the Mensheviks remained in control of the LSD even after it merged into the RSDWP, Pēteris Stučka resigned from the editorial board of Cīņa and the Central Committee in protest. He refused to work for a Menshevik dominated paper. He left Latvia for St. Petersburg and did not return until 1914. In place of Stučka, Pauls Kalniņš and his wife, Klāra, were asked to take over editorship. Both Social Democrats had been living in Switzerland and according to Johnson, (who quotes Brūno Kalniņš) “’they played an outstanding role in defining party ideology’ and managed to pull the party more toward the Menshevik position.’’ Kalniņš and his wife would later merge into the Unionist-Menshevik faction of the LSD and on November 18, 1918, would accompany their party on stage at the National Theater during the declaration of Latvian independence.

It would seem logical for Cīņa to also take on the party’s more Menshevik tone under the Kalninš’ editorship. Then perhaps it is not a coincidence that after Stučka left, Pauls and Klara Kalninš published a poem in Cīņa by Rainis (under the pseudonym Atvars) which alludes to both a free state and free citizens.

“Strādnieku Majs” (Workers’ May)

Let storms and snow interfere,

Let forests roar and water pour

Let whirlwinds rush from caves

Let thunder strike and hail storm,-

Let all the devils lean against us,

Then still the spring will arrive,

Then still the free spirit will rise

And the free days of May will arrive for the people.

May is unstoppable, the field is free of snow

Thus the workers soon will defeat power

And greet a free country.

Let the oppressor hiss from anger,

Let their mouths from curses smoke,

Let blood cover the beasts’ throats

When they attack the chests of free men. –

Let their bile boil over in villainy,

When they t