Hans Morgenthau

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hans_Morgenthau

Hans Joachim Morgenthau (February 17, 1904 – July 19, 1980) was one of the major twentieth-century figures in the study of international relations. Morgenthau's works belong to the tradition of realism in international relations theory, and he is usually considered, along with George F. Kennan and Reinhold Niebuhr, one of the three leading American realists of the post-World War II period. Morgenthau made landmark contributions to international relations theory and the study of international law. His Politics Among Nations, first published in 1948, went through five editions during his lifetime.

Morgenthau also wrote widely about international politics and U.S. foreign policy for general-circulation publications such as The New Leader, Commentary, Worldview, The New York Review of Books, and The New Republic. He knew and corresponded with many of the leading intellectuals and writers of his era, such as Reinhold Niebuhr,[1] George F. Kennan,[2] Carl Schmitt [3] and Hannah Arendt.[4][5] At one point in the early Cold War, Morgenthau was a consultant to the U.S. Department of State when Kennan headed its Policy Planning Staff, and a second time during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations until he was dismissed by Johnson when he began to publicly criticize American policy in Vietnam.[6] For most of his career, however, Morgenthau was esteemed as an academic interpreter of U.S. foreign policy.[7]

Contents Education, career, and personal life Morgenthau was born in an Ashkenazi Jewish family in Coburg, Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, Germany in 1904, and, after attending the Casimirianum, was educated at the universities of Berlin, Frankfurt, and Munich, and pursued postdoctoral work at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland.

He taught and practiced law in Frankfurt before emigrating to the United States in 1937, after several interim years in Switzerland and Spain. From 1939 to 1943, Morgenthau taught in Kansas City and attended the Keneseth Israel Shalom Congregation there.[8] Morgenthau then taught at the University of Chicago until 1973, when he took a professorial chair at the City University of New York (CUNY).

On moving to New York, Morgenthau separated from his wife, who remained in Chicago partly because of medical issues. He is reported to have twice tried to initiate plans to start a new relationship while in New York, once with the political philosopher Hannah Arendt,[9] and a second time with Ethel Person (d. 2012), a medical professor at Columbia University.[10]

On October 8, 1979, Morgenthau was one of the passengers on board Swissair Flight 316, which crashed while trying to land at Athens-Ellinikon International Airport.[11] The flight had been destined for Bombay and Peking.

Morgenthau died on July 19, 1980, shortly after being admitted to Lenox Hill Hospital in New York with a perforated ulcer.[12] He is buried in the Chabad section of Montefiore Cemetery,[13] in proximity to the Lubavitcher Rebbe, with whom he had a respectful relationship.[14]

European years and functional jurisprudence Morgenthau completed his doctoral dissertation in Germany in the late 1920s. It was published in 1929 as his first book, The International Administration of Justice, Its Essence and Its Limits.[15] The book was reviewed by Carl Schmitt, who was then a jurist teaching at the University of Berlin. In an autobiographical essay written near the end of his life, Morgenthau related that, although he had looked forward to meeting Schmitt during a visit to Berlin, the meeting went badly and Morgenthau left thinking that he had been in the presence of (in his own words), "the demonic".[16] By the late 1920s Schmitt was becoming the leading jurist of the rising Nazi movement in Germany, and Morgenthau came to see their positions as irreconcilable. (The editors of Morgenthau's The Concept of the Political [see below] state that "the reader of [Morgenthau's] The Concept of the Political ... will easily recognize that Morgenthau deplored Schmitt's understanding of the political on moral grounds and conceptual grounds.")[17]

Following the completion of his doctoral dissertation, Morgenthau left Germany to complete his Habilitation dissertation (license to teach at universities) in Geneva. It was published in French as La Réalité des normes en particulier des normes du droit international: Fondements d'une théorie des normes (The Reality of Norms and in Particular the Norms of International Law: Foundations of a Theory of Norms). It has not been translated into English.[18] The legal scholar Hans Kelsen, who had just arrived in Geneva as a professor, was an adviser to Morgenthau's dissertation. Kelsen was among the strongest critics of Carl Schmitt. Kelsen and Morgenthau became lifelong colleagues even after both emigrated from Europe to take their respective academic positions in the United States.

In 1933, Morgenthau published a second book in French, La notion du "politique", which was translated into English and published in 2012 as The Concept of the Political.[19] In this book Morgenthau seeks to articulate the difference between legal disputes between nations and political disputes between nations or other litigants. The questions driving the inquiry are: (i) Who holds legal power over the objects or concerns being disputed? (ii) In what manner can the holder of this legal power be changed or held accountable? (iii) How can a dispute, the object of which concerns a legal power, be resolved? and (iv) In what manner will the holder of the legal power be protected in the course of exercising that power? For Morgenthau, the end goal of any legal system in this context is to "ensure justice and peace."

Morgenthau sought in the 1920s and 1930s a realist alternative to mainstream international law, in a quest for "functional jurisprudence". He borrowed ideas from Sigmund Freud,[20] Max Weber, Roscoe Pound, and others. In 1940 Morgenthau set out a research program for legal functionalism in the article "Positivism, Functionalism, and International Law".[21]

Francis Boyle has written that Morgenthau's post-war writings perhaps contributed to a "break between international political science and international legal studies." [22] However, Politics Among Nations contains a chapter on international law, and Morgenthau remained an active contributor to the subject of the relationship between international politics and international law until the end of his career.[23]

American years and political realism Hans Morgenthau is considered one of the "founding fathers" of the realist school in the 20th century. This school of thought holds that nation-states are the main actors in international relations and that the main concern of the field is the study of power. Morgenthau emphasized the importance of "the national interest", and in Politics Among Nations he wrote that "the main signpost that helps political realism to find its way through the landscape of international politics is the concept of interest defined in terms of power." Morgenthau is sometimes referred to as a classical realist or modern realist in order to differentiate his approach from the structural realism or neo-realism associated with Kenneth Waltz.[24]

Realism and Politics Among Nations (1948) Recent scholarly assessments of Morgenthau show that his intellectual trajectory was more complicated than originally thought.[25] His realism was infused with moral considerations, and during the last part of his life he favored supranational control of nuclear weapons and strongly opposed the U.S. role in the Vietnam War (see below).[26] His book Scientific Man versus Power Politics (1946) argued against an overreliance on science and technology as solutions to political and social problems.

Starting with the second edition of Politics Among Nations, Morgenthau included a section in the opening chapter called "Six Principles of Political Realism".[27]

The principles, paraphrased, are:

Political realism believes that politics, like society in general, is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature.[28][29] The main signpost of political realism is the concept of interest defined in terms of power, which infuses rational order into the subject matter of politics, and thus makes the theoretical understanding of politics possible.[30] Political realism avoids concerns with the motives and ideology of statesmen. Political realism avoids reinterpreting reality to fit the policy. A good foreign policy minimizes risks and maximizes benefits. Realism recognizes that the determining kind of interest varies depending on the political and cultural context in which foreign policy, not to be confused with a theory of international politics, is made. It does not give "interest defined as power" a meaning that is fixed once and for all. Political realism is aware of the moral significance of political action. It is also aware of the tension between the moral command and the requirements of successful political action. Realism maintains that universal moral principles must be filtered through the concrete circumstances of time and place, because they cannot be applied to the actions of states in their abstract universal formulation.[31] Political realism refuses to identify the moral aspirations of a particular nation with the moral laws that govern the universe.[32] The political realist maintains the autonomy of the political sphere; the statesman asks "How does this policy affect the power and interests of the nation?" Political realism is based on a pluralistic conception of human nature. The political realist must show where the nation's interests differ from the moralistic and legalistic viewpoints. Dissent on the Vietnam War

Morgenthau was a consultant for the Kennedy administration from 1961 to 1963 Morgenthau was a strong supporter of the Roosevelt and Truman administrations.[33] When the Eisenhower administration gained the White House, Morgenthau turned his efforts towards a large amount of writing for journals and the press in general. By the time of Kennedy's election in 1960, he had become a consultant to the Kennedy administration. When Johnson became President, Morgenthau became much more vocal in his dissent concerning American participation in the Vietnam war,[34] for which he was dismissed as a consultant to the Johnson administration in 1965.[6] This debate with Morgenthau has been related in books about policy advisors McGeorge Bundy[35] and Walt Rostow.[36] Morgenthau's dissent concerning American involvement in Vietnam brought him considerable public and media attention.

Aside from his writing of Politics Among Nations, Morgenthau continued with a prolific writing career and published the three volume collection of his writings in 1962. Volume One was entitled The Decline of Democratic Politics,[37] Volume Two was The Impasse of American Politics,[38] and Volume Three was The Restoration of American Politics.[39] In addition to Morgenthau's interest and competence in writing about the political affairs of his own time, Morgenthau also wrote about the philosophy of democratic theory[40] when faced with situations of crisis or tension.[41]

American years after 1965

Morgenthau's dissent against Vietnam policy caused the Johnson administration to dismiss him as an advisor and to assign McGeorge Bundy to publicly oppose him in 1965 Morgenthau's book Truth and Power, published in 1970, collected his essays from the previous turbulent decade dealing with both foreign policy, including Vietnam, and U.S. domestic politics, e.g. the civil rights movement. Morgenthau dedicated the book to Hans Kelsen, "who has taught us through his example how to speak Truth to Power." Morgenthau's last major book, Science: Servant or Master, was dedicated to his colleague Reinhold Niebuhr and published in 1972.[42]

After 1965, Morgenthau had become a leading authority and voice in the discussion of just war theory in the modern nuclear era.[43] Just war theory was further developed in the work of Paul Ramsey, Michael Walzer, and other scholars.

In summer 1978, Morgenthau wrote his last co-authored essay titled "The Roots of Narcissism," with Ethel Person of Columbia University.[44] This essay was a continuation of Morgenthau's earlier study of this subject in his 1962 essay "Public Affairs: Love and Power," where Morgenthau engaged some of the themes that Niebuhr and the theologian Paul Tillich were addressing.[45] Morgenthau was taken by his encounter with Tillich's book Love, Power and Justice, and he wrote a second essay related to the book's themes.[46] More recently, Anthony Lang has recovered and published Morgenthau's extensive course notes on Aristotle (for a course Morgenthau taught while at the New School for Social Research during his New York years).[47] The comparison of Morgenthau to Aristotle has been further explored by Molloy.[48]

Morgenthau was a tireless reviewer of books during the several decades of his career as a scholar in the United States. The number of book reviews he wrote approached nearly a hundred, and included almost three dozen book reviews for The New York Review of Books alone. Morgenthau's last two book reviews were not written for The New York Review of Books and were of the books Soviet Perspectives on International Relations; 1956–1967, by William Zimmerman[49] and Work, Society and Culture by Yves Simon.[50] The last book review Morgenthau wrote for The New York Review of Books appeared in 1971.[51] Morgenthau's first book review, written in 1940, was of Law, the State, and the International Community, by James Brown Scott.[52] Morgenthau also commented on the Pentagon Papers.[53]

Criticism The reception of Morgenthau's work can be divided into three phases. The first phase occurred during Morgenthau's life up to his death in 1980. The second phase of the discussion of his writings and contributions to the study of international politics and international law was between 1980 and the one hundred year commemoration of his birth that took place in 2004. The third phase of the reception of his writings is between the centenary commemoration and the present, which shows a vibrant discussion of his continuing influence.

Criticism during European years In his very early career from the 1920s, the book review by Carl Schmitt of Morgenthau's dissertation had a lasting and negative effect on Morgenthau. Schmitt had become a leading juristic voice for the rising National Socialist movement in Germany and Morgenthau came to see their positions as incommensurable. Within five years of this, Morgenthau met Hans Kelsen at Geneva while a student, and Kelsen's treatment of Morgenthau's writings left a lifelong positive impression upon the young Morgenthau. Kelsen in the 1920s had emerged as Schmitt's most thorough critic and had earned a reputation as a leading international critic of the then rising National Socialist movement in Germany, which matched Morgenthau's own negative opinion of Nazism.

Criticism during American years Morgenthau's Politics Among Nations (1948) had a large influence on a generation of scholars in global politics and international law. From within the realist perspective, Kenneth Waltz urged more attention to purely 'structural' elements of the international system, especially the distribution of capabilities among states. Waltz's neorealism was more self-consciously scientific than Morgenthau's version of realism.[54]

Morgenthau's concern with the issues of nuclear weapons and the arms race [55] led to discussions and debates with Henry Kissinger and others.[56] Morgenthau saw many aspects of the nuclear arms race as a form of irrational madness requiring the attention of responsible diplomats, statesmen and scholars.[57]

Morgenthau remained throughout the Cold War an active participant in the discussion of U.S. foreign policy. He wrote in this connection about Kissinger and his role in the Nixon administration.[58] Morgenthau in 1977 also wrote a brief "Foreword" on the theme of terrorism as it began to emerge in the 1970s.[59]

Morgenthau, like Hannah Arendt, dedicated time and effort to the support of the state of Israel after its creation following World War II.[60] Both Morgenthau and Arendt made annual trips to Israel to lend their established academic voices to its still young and growing academic community during its inaugural decades as a new nation.[61] Morgenthau's interest in Israel also extended to the Middle East[62] more generally,[63][64] including the politics of oil.[65] Morgenthau's interest in Israel extended further to related issues of geopolitics, and issues related to Sakharov and Solzhenitsyn.[66]

Criticism of Morgenthau's legacy

Stolperstein for Hans Morgenthau at the Casimirianum Coburg. Christoph Frei's intellectual biography of Morgenthau, published in English translation in 2001 (from the earlier German edition)[67] was one of the first of many substantial publications about Morgenthau in the 2000s. Christoph Rohde published a biography of Morgenthau in 2004, still available only in German.[68] Also around 2004, commemorative volumes were published on the occasion of the centenary of Morgenthau's birth.[69]

John Mearsheimer of the University of Chicago has studied the relationship of Morgenthau's political realism to the neo-conservativism prevailing during the G.W. Bush Administration in the context of the 2003 Iraq war.[70] For Morgenthau, the ethical and moral component of international politics was on the whole, and unlike the positions of either defensive neorealism or offensive neorealism, an integral part of the reasoning process of the international statesman and the essential content of responsible scholarship in international relations.[71] Various aspects of Morgenthau's thought continue to be explored by scholars (see Further Reading section, below).

Selected works Scientific Man versus Power Politics (1946) Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (1948, and subsequent editions) New York NY: Alfred A. Knopf. In Defense of the National Interest (1951) New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf. The Purpose of American Politics (1960) New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf. Crossroad Papers: A Look Into the American Future (ed.) (1965) New York, NY: Norton. Truth and Power: Essays of a Decade, 1960–70 (1970) New York, NY: Praeger. Essays on Lincoln's Faith and Politics. (1983) Lanham, MD: Univ. Press of America for the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the Univ. of Virginia. Co-published with a separate text by David Hein. The Concept of the Political (2012; orig. 1933) Intro. by H. Behr and F. Roesch. Trans. by M. Vidal. Palgrave Macmillan. For a complete list of Morgenthau's writings, see "The Hans J. Morgenthau Page" at Google Sites.[72]

הנס יואכים מורגנטאו

(בגרמנית: Hans Joachim Morgenthau; ‏17 בפברואר 1904 - 19 ביולי 1980), פוליטולוג ומשפטן אמריקאי ממוצא יהודי-גרמני, הוגה-דעות בתחום מדע המדינה, נחשב אבי הריאליזם הבינלאומי המודרני.

במסגרת פיתוחו את פרדיגמת הריאליזם הבינלאומי תרם מורגנטאו רבות להבנת היחסים בין המדינות בזירה הבינלאומית. לטענות שהעלה מורגנטאו נודעה חשיבות רבה, בין היתר, נוכח העובדה כי התנגד, לפני מעשה, למלחמת וייטנאם, שבה הייתה מעורבת ארצות הברית בסוף שנות ה-50 ושלבסוף נתפסה על פי רוב כטעות. התייחסות נוספת של מורגנטאו אשר לה נודעה משמעות רבה היא תחזיתו בתום מלחמת העולם השנייה לפיה ארצות הברית וברית המועצות אשר סיימו את המלחמה באותו צד (הצד המנצח) לא ישארו אוהדות האחת כלפיי השנייה. תחזית זו התממשה עם תחילת המלחמה הקרה בין ארצות הברית לברית המועצות, לאחר מלחמת העולם השנייה.

תוכן עניינים
1 נקודות בחייו
2 הרקע להגותו 3 עיקרי הגותו 4 בסיס השפעתו 5 ספרו שתורגם לעברית 6 ספריו באנגלית 7 קישורים חיצוניים

נקודות בחייו מורגנטאו נולד בקובורג שבגרמניה, אותה עזב בשנת 1937 לאחר עליית הנאצים לשלטון בגרמניה. מורגנטאו עבר לשווייץ, לאחר מכן לספרד ולבסוף לארצות הברית, שבה נשאר והפך לפרופסור באוניברסיטת שיקגו. מורגנטאו למד באוניברסיטת ברלין, אוניברסיטת פרנקפורט ואוניברסיטת מינכן. בתחילת חייו חווה מורגנטאו גילויי אנטישמיות אשר ייתכן כי השפיעו על תפיסתו את העולם. באחרית חייו היה מורגנטאו עמית וחבר של אדוארד הלט קר, היסטוריון עיתונאי ותאורטיקן ריאליסט בתחום היחסים הבינלאומיים, שהיה עמיתו המקצועי בתחום הריאליזם ביחסים הבינלאומיים.

הרקע להגותו עיקר פועלו של מורגנטאו היה לאחר מלחמת העולם השנייה ובעקבות התהליכים שלדבריו הובילו אליה. מורגנטאו הגה את רעיונותיו אל מול מה שכינה כטעויות שהיוו קרקע פורייה למלחמת העולם השנייה וגרמו, בדרך עקיפה אמנם, לפרוץ המלחמה. כלומר, מורגנטאו האמין שהדרך בה בחרו המדינאיים לנהל את הזירה הבינלאומית לאחר מלחמת העולם הראשונה, הייתה שגויה ונבעה מאי הבנת הכוחות הפועלים בבסיס פעולותיה של כל מדינה בפרט ומכאן גם בזירה הבינלאומית ככלל.

עיקרי הגותו תפיסתו של מורגנטאו מושתתת על הנחת היסוד לפיה טבע האדם הוא קונפליקוטואלי בבסיסו ופועל ממניעים רציונליים המונעים מהשאיפה לעוצמה. לפיכך, תמיד יהיה מרדף אחר עוצמה ואחר מימוש אינטרסים. אם כן, כל פעולה, לדברי מורגנטאו, צריכה להינקט תוך התחשבות בהנחת יסוד זו. הדרך בה נקטו המדינאים לאחר מלחמת העולם הראשונה נבעה מראייה אידיאליסטית לפיה מדינות, ככלל, שוחרות טוב ויימנעו מרע וביתר שאת כאשר יוסכם כי שאר המדינות יפעלו יחדיו נגד מדינה סוררת, קרי, פותחת במלחמה או מפרה את ההסכמים שנחתמו לאחר מלחמת העולם הראשונה. מורגנטאו מסביר שזו ראייה שגויה של טבעם של המניעים העומדים בבסיס כל מדינה, המניעים הללו לטענת מורגנטאו, כאמור לעיל, הם רציונליים, אובייקטיבים ומושתתים על הרצון למימוש אינטרסים והרצון להשגת והגברת עוצמה. אלו הכוחות שמניעים כל מדינה על מנהיגיה והחלטותיהם ולכן לא ישרור שקט, כמו שהאמינו המדינאים לאחר מלחמת העולם הראשונה (אותם כינה מורגנטאו "אידיאליסטים"), אלא אם העוצמה של המדינות תאוזן, כלומר יהיה מאזן-עוצמה שימנע ממדינות אחרות לנסות לממש את האינטרסים שלהן על פני האינטרסים של מדינות אחרות. תפיסה זו בנוגע ליחסים הבינלאומיים קרויה "ריאליזם" ומורגנטאו הוא מבולטי מייסדי הזרם המודרני של הריאליזם ביחסים הבינלאומיים.

הבחנה זו, בין ריאליזם מודרני לריאליזם פרה-מודרני, נשענת על הצורך להבחין בין הריאליזם המוקדם יותר שנוסד כבר בימי התקופה הקלאסית על ידי תוקידידס דרך הוגים מאוחרים יותר (אף שלעומת מורגנטאו הם מוקדמים) כמו ניקולו מקיאוולי ותומאס הובס אשר גם הם פרשו את משנתם הריאליסטית שהתבססה על עוצמה, אך הם עשו זאת במאות ה-15 - 17. בנוסף יש לציין כי יש להבדיל את מורגנטאו גם מזרם מאוחר ממנו אשר קרוי "הזרם הנאו-ריאליסטי" זרם זה התפתח מאוחר יותר בשנות ה-80 וה-90 של המאה ה-20.

בסיס השפעתו הגותו השפיעה רבות על שינוי המגמה ביחסים הבינלאומיים לאחר מלחמת העולם השנייה. ארצות הברית, שהפכה לאחר המלחמה לאחת משתי מעצמות העל בזירה הבינלאומית (השנייה הייתה ברית המועצות), שינתה את גישתה מן הגישה ה-"אידיאליסטית" ששלטה בהתנהלות הזירה הבינלאומית קודם מלחמת העולם השנייה, לגישה הריאליסטית שאותה פיתח מורגנטאו ולפיה היחסים הבינלאומיים צריכים להיות מושתתים על בסיס הנחת היסוד כי כל מדינה מונעת מהרצון לעוצמה וזאת למען השגת האינטרסים שלה. שינוי זה אשר התרחש בגישתה של ארצות הברית התרחש לאור ספרו של מורגנטאו "פוליטיקה בין האומות" והשפיע רבות על התנהלות הזירה הבינלאומית ולו רק נוכח העובדה שאחת משתי מעצמות העל בזירה הבינלאומית (שעתידה להפוך בתחילת שנות ה-90 למעצמת העל היחידה) שינתה גישתה וצעדיה והפכה אותם ליותר רציונליים, אובייקטיביים ומבוססי תפיסה לפיה הבסיס להתנהלות בזירה הבינלאומית הוא הרצון לעוצמה לשם השגת אינטרסים.

ספרו שתורגם לעברית פוליטיקה בין האומות : המאבק לשלטון ולשלום / האנס י. מורגנתאו ; תרגם והקדים מבוא: יוסף נדבה. ספריו באנגלית Scientific Man Versus Power Politics (1946) Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (1948) New York NY: Alfred A. Knopf. In Defense of the National Interest (1951) New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf. The Purpose of American Politics (1960) New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf. Crossroad Papers: A Look Into the American Future (ed.) (1965) New York, NY: Norton. Truth and Power: Essays of a Decade, 1960-70 (1970) New York, NY: Praeger. Coauthor with David Hein. Essays on Lincoln's Faith and Politics. (1983) Lanham, MD: Univ. Press of America for the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the Univ. of Virginia קישורים חיצוניים Hans Morgenthau, realism, and the study of international politics - Sixtieth Anniversary, 1934-1994: The Legacy of Our Past Hans Morgenthau and the Iraq war: realism versus neo-conservatism Hans Morgenthau, "We Are Deluding Ourselves in Vietnam," New York Times Magazine, 18 April 1965 https://he.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D7%94%D7%A0%D7%A1_%D7%9E%D7%95%D7%A8...

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hans_Morgenthau

Hans Joachim Morgenthau (February 17, 1904 – July 19, 1980) was one of the major twentieth-century figures in the study of international relations. Morgenthau's works belong to the tradition of realism in international relations theory, and he is usually considered, along with George F. Kennan and Reinhold Niebuhr, one of the three leading American realists of the post-World War II period. Morgenthau made landmark contributions to international relations theory and the study of international law. His Politics Among Nations, first published in 1948, went through five editions during his lifetime.

Morgenthau also wrote widely about international politics and U.S. foreign policy for general-circulation publications such as The New Leader, Commentary, Worldview, The New York Review of Books, and The New Republic. He knew and corresponded with many of the leading intellectuals and writers of his era, such as Reinhold Niebuhr,[1] George F. Kennan,[2] Carl Schmitt [3] and Hannah Arendt.[4][5] At one point in the early Cold War, Morgenthau was a consultant to the U.S. Department of State when Kennan headed its Policy Planning Staff, and a second time during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations until he was dismissed by Johnson when he began to publicly criticize American policy in Vietnam.[6] For most of his career, however, Morgenthau was esteemed as an academic interpreter of U.S. foreign policy.[7]

Contents Education, career, and personal life Morgenthau was born in an Ashkenazi Jewish family in Coburg, Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, Germany in 1904, and, after attending the Casimirianum, was educated at the universities of Berlin, Frankfurt, and Munich, and pursued postdoctoral work at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland.

He taught and practiced law in Frankfurt before emigrating to the United States in 1937, after several interim years in Switzerland and Spain. From 1939 to 1943, Morgenthau taught in Kansas City and attended the Keneseth Israel Shalom Congregation there.[8] Morgenthau then taught at the University of Chicago until 1973, when he took a professorial chair at the City University of New York (CUNY).

On moving to New York, Morgenthau separated from his wife, who remained in Chicago partly because of medical issues. He is reported to have twice tried to initiate plans to start a new relationship while in New York, once with the political philosopher Hannah Arendt,[9] and a second time with Ethel Person (d. 2012), a medical professor at Columbia University.[10]

On October 8, 1979, Morgenthau was one of the passengers on board Swissair Flight 316, which crashed while trying to land at Athens-Ellinikon International Airport.[11] The flight had been destined for Bombay and Peking.

Morgenthau died on July 19, 1980, shortly after being admitted to Lenox Hill Hospital in New York with a perforated ulcer.[12] He is buried in the Chabad section of Montefiore Cemetery,[13] in proximity to the Lubavitcher Rebbe, with whom he had a respectful relationship.[14]

European years and functional jurisprudence Morgenthau completed his doctoral dissertation in Germany in the late 1920s. It was published in 1929 as his first book, The International Administration of Justice, Its Essence and Its Limits.[15] The book was reviewed by Carl Schmitt, who was then a jurist teaching at the University of Berlin. In an autobiographical essay written near the end of his life, Morgenthau related that, although he had looked forward to meeting Schmitt during a visit to Berlin, the meeting went badly and Morgenthau left thinking that he had been in the presence of (in his own words), "the demonic".[16] By the late 1920s Schmitt was becoming the leading jurist of the rising Nazi movement in Germany, and Morgenthau came to see their positions as irreconcilable. (The editors of Morgenthau's The Concept of the Political [see below] state that "the reader of [Morgenthau's] The Concept of the Political ... will easily recognize that Morgenthau deplored Schmitt's understanding of the political on moral grounds and conceptual grounds.")[17]

Following the completion of his doctoral dissertation, Morgenthau left Germany to complete his Habilitation dissertation (license to teach at universities) in Geneva. It was published in French as La Réalité des normes en particulier des normes du droit international: Fondements d'une théorie des normes (The Reality of Norms and in Particular the Norms of International Law: Foundations of a Theory of Norms). It has not been translated into English.[18] The legal scholar Hans Kelsen, who had just arrived in Geneva as a professor, was an adviser to Morgenthau's dissertation. Kelsen was among the strongest critics of Carl Schmitt. Kelsen and Morgenthau became lifelong colleagues even after both emigrated from Europe to take their respective academic positions in the United States.

In 1933, Morgenthau published a second book in French, La notion du "politique", which was translated into English and published in 2012 as The Concept of the Political.[19] In this book Morgenthau seeks to articulate the difference between legal disputes between nations and political disputes between nations or other litigants. The questions driving the inquiry are: (i) Who holds legal power over the objects or concerns being disputed? (ii) In what manner can the holder of this legal power be changed or held accountable? (iii) How can a dispute, the object of which concerns a legal power, be resolved? and (iv) In what manner will the holder of the legal power be protected in the course of exercising that power? For Morgenthau, the end goal of any legal system in this context is to "ensure justice and peace."

Morgenthau sought in the 1920s and 1930s a realist alternative to mainstream international law, in a quest for "functional jurisprudence". He borrowed ideas from Sigmund Freud,[20] Max Weber, Roscoe Pound, and others. In 1940 Morgenthau set out a research program for legal functionalism in the article "Positivism, Functionalism, and International Law".[21]

Francis Boyle has written that Morgenthau's post-war writings perhaps contributed to a "break between international political science and international legal studies." [22] However, Politics Among Nations contains a chapter on international law, and Morgenthau remained an active contributor to the subject of the relationship between international politics and international law until the end of his career.[23]

American years and political realism Hans Morgenthau is considered one of the "founding fathers" of the realist school in the 20th century. This school of thought holds that nation-states are the main actors in international relations and that the main concern of the field is the study of power. Morgenthau emphasized the importance of "the national interest", and in Politics Among Nations he wrote that "the main signpost that helps political realism to find its way through the landscape of international politics is the concept of interest defined in terms of power." Morgenthau is sometimes referred to as a classical realist or modern realist in order to differentiate his approach from the structural realism or neo-realism associated with Kenneth Waltz.[24]

Realism and Politics Among Nations (1948) Recent scholarly assessments of Morgenthau show that his intellectual trajectory was more complicated than originally thought.[25] His realism was infused with moral considerations, and during the last part of his life he favored supranational control of nuclear weapons and strongly opposed the U.S. role in the Vietnam War (see below).[26] His book Scientific Man versus Power Politics (1946) argued against an overreliance on science and technology as solutions to political and social problems.

Starting with the second edition of Politics Among Nations, Morgenthau included a section in the opening chapter called "Six Principles of Political Realism".[27]

The principles, paraphrased, are:

Political realism believes that politics, like society in general, is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature.[28][29] The main signpost of political realism is the concept of interest defined in terms of power, which infuses rational order into the subject matter of politics, and thus makes the theoretical understanding of politics possible.[30] Political realism avoids concerns with the motives and ideology of statesmen. Political realism avoids reinterpreting reality to fit the policy. A good foreign policy minimizes risks and maximizes benefits. Realism recognizes that the determining kind of interest varies depending on the political and cultural context in which foreign policy, not to be confused with a theory of international politics, is made. It does not give "interest defined as power" a meaning that is fixed once and for all. Political realism is aware of the moral significance of political action. It is also aware of the tension between the moral command and the requirements of successful political action. Realism maintains that universal moral principles must be filtered through the concrete circumstances of time and place, because they cannot be applied to the actions of states in their abstract universal formulation.[31] Political realism refuses to identify the moral aspirations of a particular nation with the moral laws that govern the universe.[32] The political realist maintains the autonomy of the political sphere; the statesman asks "How does this policy affect the power and interests of the nation?" Political realism is based on a pluralistic conception of human nature. The political realist must show where the nation's interests differ from the moralistic and legalistic viewpoints. Dissent on the Vietnam War

Morgenthau was a consultant for the Kennedy administration from 1961 to 1963 Morgenthau was a strong supporter of the Roosevelt and Truman administrations.[33] When the Eisenhower administration gained the White House, Morgenthau turned his efforts towards a large amount of writing for journals and the press in general. By the time of Kennedy's election in 1960, he had become a consultant to the Kennedy administration. When Johnson became President, Morgenthau became much more vocal in his dissent concerning American participation in the Vietnam war,[34] for which he was dismissed as a consultant to the Johnson administration in 1965.[6] This debate with Morgenthau has been related in books about policy advisors McGeorge Bundy[35] and Walt Rostow.[36] Morgenthau's dissent concerning American involvement in Vietnam brought him considerable public and media attention.

Aside from his writing of Politics Among Nations, Morgenthau continued with a prolific writing career and published the three volume collection of his writings in 1962. Volume One was entitled The Decline of Democratic Politics,[37] Volume Two was The Impasse of American Politics,[38] and Volume Three was The Restoration of American Politics.[39] In addition to Morgenthau's interest and competence in writing about the political affairs of his own time, Morgenthau also wrote about the philosophy of democratic theory[40] when faced with situations of crisis or tension.[41]

American years after 1965

Morgenthau's dissent against Vietnam policy caused the Johnson administration to dismiss him as an advisor and to assign McGeorge Bundy to publicly oppose him in 1965 Morgenthau's book Truth and Power, published in 1970, collected his essays from the previous turbulent decade dealing with both foreign policy, including Vietnam, and U.S. domestic politics, e.g. the civil rights movement. Morgenthau dedicated the book to Hans Kelsen, "who has taught us through his example how to speak Truth to Power." Morgenthau's last major book, Science: Servant or Master, was dedicated to his colleague Reinhold Niebuhr and published in 1972.[42]

After 1965, Morgenthau had become a leading authority and voice in the discussion of just war theory in the modern nuclear era.[43] Just war theory was further developed in the work of Paul Ramsey, Michael Walzer, and other scholars.

In summer 1978, Morgenthau wrote his last co-authored essay titled "The Roots of Narcissism," with Ethel Person of Columbia University.[44] This essay was a continuation of Morgenthau's earlier study of this subject in his 1962 essay "Public Affairs: Love and Power," where Morgenthau engaged some of the themes that Niebuhr and the theologian Paul Tillich were addressing.[45] Morgenthau was taken by his encounter with Tillich's book Love, Power and Justice, and he wrote a second essay related to the book's themes.[46] More recently, Anthony Lang has recovered and published Morgenthau's extensive course notes on Aristotle (for a course Morgenthau taught while at the New School for Social Research during his New York years).[47] The comparison of Morgenthau to Aristotle has been further explored by Molloy.[48]

Morgenthau was a tireless reviewer of books during the several decades of his career as a scholar in the United States. The number of book reviews he wrote approached nearly a hundred, and included almost three dozen book reviews for The New York Review of Books alone. Morgenthau's last two book reviews were not written for The New York Review of Books and were of the books Soviet Perspectives on International Relations; 1956–1967, by William Zimmerman[49] and Work, Society and Culture by Yves Simon.[50] The last book review Morgenthau wrote for The New York Review of Books appeared in 1971.[51] Morgenthau's first book review, written in 1940, was of Law, the State, and the International Community, by James Brown Scott.[52] Morgenthau also commented on the Pentagon Papers.[53]

Criticism The reception of Morgenthau's work can be divided into three phases. The first phase occurred during Morgenthau's life up to his death in 1980. The second phase of the discussion of his writings and contributions to the study of international politics and international law was between 1980 and the one hundred year commemoration of his birth that took place in 2004. The third phase of the reception of his writings is between the centenary commemoration and the present, which shows a vibrant discussion of his continuing influence.

Criticism during European years In his very early career from the 1920s, the book review by Carl Schmitt of Morgenthau's dissertation had a lasting and negative effect on Morgenthau. Schmitt had become a leading juristic voice for the rising National Socialist movement in Germany and Morgenthau came to see their positions as incommensurable. Within five years of this, Morgenthau met Hans Kelsen at Geneva while a student, and Kelsen's treatment of Morgenthau's writings left a lifelong positive impression upon the young Morgenthau. Kelsen in the 1920s had emerged as Schmitt's most thorough critic and had earned a reputation as a leading international critic of the then rising National Socialist movement in Germany, which matched Morgenthau's own negative opinion of Nazism.

Criticism during American years Morgenthau's Politics Among Nations (1948) had a large influence on a generation of scholars in global politics and international law. From within the realist perspective, Kenneth Waltz urged more attention to purely 'structural' elements of the international system, especially the distribution of capabilities among states. Waltz's neorealism was more self-consciously scientific than Morgenthau's version of realism.[54]

Morgenthau's concern with the issues of nuclear weapons and the arms race [55] led to discussions and debates with Henry Kissinger and others.[56] Morgenthau saw many aspects of the nuclear arms race as a form of irrational madness requiring the attention of responsible diplomats, statesmen and scholars.[57]

Morgenthau remained throughout the Cold War an active participant in the discussion of U.S. foreign policy. He wrote in this connection about Kissinger and his role in the Nixon administration.[58] Morgenthau in 1977 also wrote a brief "Foreword" on the theme of terrorism as it began to emerge in the 1970s.[59]

Morgenthau, like Hannah Arendt, dedicated time and effort to the support of the state of Israel after its creation following World War II.[60] Both Morgenthau and Arendt made annual trips to Israel to lend their established academic voices to its still young and growing academic community during its inaugural decades as a new nation.[61] Morgenthau's interest in Israel also extended to the Middle East[62] more generally,[63][64] including the politics of oil.[65] Morgenthau's interest in Israel extended further to related issues of geopolitics, and issues related to Sakharov and Solzhenitsyn.[66]

Criticism of Morgenthau's legacy

Stolperstein for Hans Morgenthau at the Casimirianum Coburg. Christoph Frei's intellectual biography of Morgenthau, published in English translation in 2001 (from the earlier German edition)[67] was one of the first of many substantial publications about Morgenthau in the 2000s. Christoph Rohde published a biography of Morgenthau in 2004, still available only in German.[68] Also around 2004, commemorative volumes were published on the occasion of the centenary of Morgenthau's birth.[69]

John Mearsheimer of the University of Chicago has studied the relationship of Morgenthau's political realism to the neo-conservativism prevailing during the G.W. Bush Administration in the context of the 2003 Iraq war.[70] For Morgenthau, the ethical and moral component of international politics was on the whole, and unlike the positions of either defensive neorealism or offensive neorealism, an integral part of the reasoning process of the international statesman and the essential content of responsible scholarship in international relations.[71] Various aspects of Morgenthau's thought continue to be explored by scholars (see Further Reading section, below).

Selected works Scientific Man versus Power Politics (1946) Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (1948, and subsequent editions) New York NY: Alfred A. Knopf. In Defense of the National Interest (1951) New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf. The Purpose of American Politics (1960) New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf. Crossroad Papers: A Look Into the American Future (ed.) (1965) New York, NY: Norton. Truth and Power: Essays of a Decade, 1960–70 (1970) New York, NY: Praeger. Essays on Lincoln's Faith and Politics. (1983) Lanham, MD: Univ. Press of America for the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the Univ. of Virginia. Co-published with a separate text by David Hein. The Concept of the Political (2012; orig. 1933) Intro. by H. Behr and F. Roesch. Trans. by M. Vidal. Palgrave Macmillan. For a complete list of Morgenthau's writings, see "The Hans J. Morgenthau Page" at Google Sites.[72]