Chief Pierre Atawenrate

The Organization and Composition of Kahnawake’s Council of Chiefs Some writers of Kahnawake’s history have suggested that during the nineteenth century Kahnawake was governed by a council consisting of nine chiefs, with three chiefs from each of the three Mohawk clans. However, evidence contained in the files of the Department of Indian Affairs (DIA) and other sources suggests a somewhat different form of organization. This evidence indicates that prior to the establishment of a band council system in 1889, Kahnawake was governed locally by a council of seven chiefs, with each chief representing one of seven different clans in the community. The seven clans were the Ratiniáhten (‘Turtle’), Rotikwáho (‘Wolf’), Rotiskerewakaká:ion (‘Old Bear’), Rotiskerewakekó:wa (‘Great Bear’), Rotinehsí:io (‘Snipe’), Rotineniothró:non (‘Rock’), and Rotihsennakéhte (‘Deer’). In some of the Indian Department files Ratiniáhten is also referred to as "Bande la Tortue" and Rotikwáho as "Bande du Loup". In a series of petitions to the DIA in 1889 the Rotiskerewakekó:wa are also referred to as the "Big Bear Band" and the Rotineniothró:non as the "Stone Band". These petitions also make reference to the Rotiskerewakaká:ion as Onkwaskeré:wake, which is translated as "Small Bear Band". The chiefs of the seven clans held their position for life, but the manner in which they were selected is not entirely clear. Indian Department records often refer to chiefs as being "elected", but this term may be misleading because there is no evidence that they were selected by a majority vote, as would have been the case under the Indian Act system. One observer of the time period indicates that a chief was chosen by the general consent of the clan (Doutre 1855). If a clan did not have a man they considered capable of representing them in council, they could select a man from another clan as their chief. For example, in June of 1877 Sose Taioronhiote resigned as chief of the Rotihsennakéhte. When the members of the clan met the following February to select a replacement, the local Indian agent reported that they desired to choose a chief from the "Bande du Loup", "Bande la Tortue", or "some other" because "they had no man capable of representing them".

Once a chief was selected his appointment was confirmed by the colonial government. In the early 1850s, at least, this act apparently was symbolized by the presentation of a silver medal bearing a likeness of the Sovereign on one side and the English coat of arms on the other. When a chief died this silver medal passed to his mother and was held by her until a new chief was selected. If the mother had already died, the medal was held by one of his brothers or sisters or next maternal relative (Doutre 1855: 205). A council of chiefs based on the clan system probably existed in Kahnawake since the late 17th century, but a council of seven chiefs representing seven clans may have dated to only about 1840. In that year a government inquiry into complaints by some community members about some the chiefs recommended that the commissions granted to the "Caughnawaga" chiefs be canceled and "that the number of Chiefs be reduced to seven…one to each band as they are presently constituted…"

As indicated by an inscription deposited in the cornerstone of the St. Francis Xavier Mission Church in 1845, the seven chiefs at that time were Martin Tekanasontie, Thomas Tiohatekwen, Charles Katsirakeron, Thomas Sakaohetsta, Jean-Baptiste Saonwentiowane, Joseph Tenihatie, and Pierre Atawenrate. Unfortunately, the inscription does not indicate the clans to which these seven chiefs belonged. Indian Department records from the mid-1870s indicate that at that time Sose Kentarontie (Joseph Delisle) was chief of the Rotiskerewakaká:ion, Francis Otonharishon was chief of the Rotiskerewakekó:wa, Sose Taioroniote was chief of the Rotihsennakéhte, and Rowi Shatekaienton (Louis Beauvais) was chief of the Rotineniothró:non. Atonwa Assenase (Thomas Deer), Martin Sakoriataka, and Rowi Tehorakaron were also chiefs, but it has not been possible to identify the clans to which they belonged. It appears that these seven chiefs were confirmed in their positions sometime in the early 1850sIn 1878 Sose Kentarontie resigned as chief and was replaced by Atonwa Karatoton (Thomas Jocks), who remained chief of the Rotiskerewakaká:ion

villagehation. When one of the seven grand chiefs of Kahnawake diedlg, "tous les chefs des autres villages, de St. Regis, du Lac, de Lorette, de St- Francois se rendent ici avec leurs femmes et Ieurs enf's, pour pleurer le mort et proce'der B
l'election de son successeur" (Marcoux, 25 January 1830, NAC RG8 vol. 269: 133). Iroquois condolence ceremonies conducted for mourning deceased chiefs and installing new ones (Fenton 1978: 3
19; Tooker 1W8: 437U) thus seem to have been practiced in Lower Canada. Kahmwake and the seigneury of Sault-Saint-Louis Kahnawake was located in what was known as the Seigneurie du SauZt-Saint- Louis, a 40 320 acre temtory which was granted in 1680 by the French Crown to the Jesuits to "protectn and "nurture" newly converted Iroquois (Larnbert 1980)- In the 1830s, the Sault-SaintLouis seigneury20 was part of the District of Montrdal, which extended from the U.S. and Upper Canada borders until Trois-Riviiires (map 1). This district was supervised by a
Superintendent and an interpreter, who were placed under the authority of the Superintendent General of hdian Affairs, one of the highest paid employees of the Indian Department (22s per annum) (Napier, 29 May 1837, in Great Britain 1973: 24) In the 1830s, Sault-Saint-Louis was bounded by the seigneuries of Chiiteauguay to the West, La Prairie de la Magdeleine to the East, and La SalIe to the South (maps 2
and 3). Government surveyor J. Bouchette described the seigneury of Sault-Saint-Louis in 1815: from the river St. Regis towards the St. Lawrence the remaining part is covered with wood of all ordinary species, except a
small portion reserved by the proprietors for their own uses. The village of Coghnawaga is placed on the banks of the St. Lawrence, and consists of a
church, a house for the missionary, who resides with them, and about 140 others, principally built of stone, formed into two or three rows, something resembling streets. (Bouchette 18 15: 124) Bouchette also pointed out that "nearly all that half of the seigniory which lies towards La Salle [was] well settled and cultivated by Canadian families" (ibid-). At the time of the l9 If chiefs had recently died. the community was governed by only five or six individuals because replacements had not been chosen yet (Mucous 9
Gaulin, 29 July 1835, ADSJQL 3A-166). In 1837, a
petition was signed by six chiefs and hventy-two war chiefs (Martin Tekanasontie et al. to Lord Gosford, 3
February 1837, NAC RGXO vol 93: 38036-7). The six chiefs that signed this document are: Martin Tehasontie, Michel Sarenhere, Thomas Teiohatekwen, Joseph Niwatenhenra, Charles Katsirakeron and Thomas Sakaoehetsm In 1845, the seven higher chiefs were: Martin Tekansontie, Thomas Tiohatehen, Charles Katsirakeron, Thomas Sakaohetsta, Jean Baptiste Saonwentiowane, Joseph Tenihatie, and Pierre Atmenrate (BBchard 1946; Reid 199). 20 A
"seig.neurien consists of a
territorial unit obtained and onned by a
"seigneur" under the obligation to concede Iand to settlers, pay homage to authorities, and build and maintain a
mill as well as a
main road. As in France, the seigneuries of French Canada were divided into two components: 1) the personal domain of the seigneur; 2) and the remaining part divided into "&tesn or "rangs". These small parcels of land were conceded to peasants under the condition of regular payments to the seigneur. The settler also had to cIear the ground for growing fields, put up fences, and build and maintain a house (Courville 198& 9; see also DechEne 1974: Greer 1985: 138-9; Ham's 1966; Ouellet 1972: 91-1 13).His action was vehemently repudiated by the chiefs of Caughnawaga, and two members of the De Lorimier family, with Chief Pierre Thawenrate, were appointed in his stead. The success of their mission in Vermont would have meant an ad- ditional revenue to the coffers of the village, and as usual, when their material interests were concerned, Indian enthusiasm had reached a high pitch; they were confident that their claim would be recognized.

1. Cf. antea, pp. 323-327.

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