The Sunburnt Queen isn't a novel, but a research work. I think I tried to acknowledge that she shows these events often occurred outside the literal area of written documentation and inside oral tradition at the time.
Somewhere I have the book and will seek out her references. (Hopefully not at the coast or loaned out :-( ) At the time, because it provided a way to link in the SA non-white community - a notoriously difficult endeavour - but without which, many black South Africans find accessing any sense of their own ancestry in our tree impossibly frustrating - I chose to recreate the oral tradition links. Perhaps I would think differently now.
I'm happy to open the debate on each.
Pondoland Coast - 4 August 1782
The wreck of the Grosvenor on the 4th August 1782, on the coast of Pondoland north of the mouth of the Umzimvubu River, near the place where the São João was wrecked more than 200 years before, is one of the best-known South African shipwrecks, and is referred to in more than a hundred printed works.
The disaster was, it is suspected, ascribable to a grave miscalculation by the captain, possibly due to misty weather and treacherous currents, and to the carelessness of the look-outs. In January 1782, the Grosvenor left Bengal with a cargo valued at £75 000, a crew of 132 and 18 passengers (12 adults and 6 children). Of the 123 survivors, 6 eventually managed to reach the farm of Ferreira near Algoa Bay.
A search party sent by order of Governor Van Plettenberg from Swellendam rescued 3 Whites and 9 Indians. Only 18 of those shipwrecked eventually reached Cape Town, from which they were repatriated. The rest either died from their privations or were murdered by the Bantu or forced to live among them. A half-caste group later found in the vicinity of the scene of the wreck would seem to indicate that the White wives whose husbands had been murdered possibly lived with the Bantu. http://ancestry24.com/articles/algoa-bay/'''
When the survivors reached England and their story became public knowledge it caused a sensation that lasted well into thenext century – Charles Dickens would describe the story of young Tom Law and his faithful sailors as ‘the most beautiful and affecting I know associated with a shipwreck. .. In 1905… William Bazley [told how] forty years earlier [1860-1870] he had met ‘a very old white woman living exactly as a native’.. the woman told him that she had come off the huge ship that crashed ashore, lost her family, and been saved and raised by the Pondo. Bazley, at least, was certain that the woman was Frances Hosea, daughter of William and Mary, at two years of age left wandering alone in the wilderness after her parents lay down and died in a welter of diamonds on the high shores of the Wild coast. Cummins, Joseph. 'Cast Away'
Castaways from the Grosvenor, one of the East India Company's finest vessels, included the wives and daughters of gentry left defenceless after the male passengers were reportedly slaughtered. For the contemporary equivalent of the tabloid press it was a sensation. "By these Hottentots, they were dragged up into the interior parts of the country, for the purposes of the vilest brutish prostitution," said the Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser. Newspaper accounts of ravishings by "the most barbarous and monstrous of the human species" were so shocking that British society was relieved to be subsequently assured by an official investigation that the women had in fact perished before the natives got hold of them. New evidence, however, suggests a rather different story. Several female passengers did indeed survive and become intimate with tribes men. But rather than being abducted and raped it appears they chose to become wives and mothers. A new book, ‘The Caliban Shore: The Fate of the Grosvenor Castaways’, has concluded that three, possibly four, women passengers joined tribes in what is today known as Pondoland, a remote, rugged landscape on South Africa's east coast. The author, Stephen Taylor, has scrutinised written and oral testimony, including previously overlooked material, pointing to the survival of white females who are still remembered by the tribes. "The notion of white women with black men was so horrifying to contemporary sensibilities that polite society tried to wish it out of existence," Taylor said in a telephone interview yesterday. "But that's what the evidence points to." The Grosvenor ran aground on her way from Madras to England, throwing 125 survivors onto an alien coast far from European outposts. The crew set out on a desolate trek lasting months - but only 13 made it back to England, the rest succumbing to hunger and disease. When the last male passengers died the women and children were dependant on assimilating with natives who eked a livelihood from hard, unyielding soil. Lydia Logie, the young, vivacious wife of the Grosvenor's chief officer, appears to have joined a Xhosa tribe after her husband died, impelled perhaps by a desire to save their unborn child. Several years later a commander of the Cape garrison, Robert Gordon, met a Xhosa man who told him a white woman had lived among his tribe, and that she "had a child, and she frequently embraced the child, and cried most violently". Piecing together other fragments, Taylor concluded that Ms Logie had been adopted by a sub-group know as the ama-Tshomane whose matriarch, by coincidence, was an Englishwoman named Gquma who had been shipwrecked as a child in Pondoland about 40 years earlier. By the time a rescue party from the Cape arrived in 1791, nine years after the Grosvenor sank, Ms Logie was dead, her spirit and strength probably worn down from the grind of tanning hides, planting crops and collecting firewood. The rescuers were disappointed not to find any survivors, but Taylor believes they blundered by missing Mary Wilmot and Eleanor Dennis, young girls who escaped the Grosvenor and grew up in Pondoland. Evidence for this comes from a former Royal Navy lieutenant Francis Farewell, who stumbled across the wreck in 1823 and was told of two white women who had lived there for some time but had fled a Zulu invasion. They disappeared into the bush and starved to death, he was told. Archives in the University of Natal suggest that Frances Hosea, who had been two years old when the Grosvenor sank, may also have survived and become the elderly, Zulu-speaking white woman encountered by a British trader in the 1860s. For a British public fed racist notions of baboon-like savages, such assimilations would have been inconceivable, Taylor said. Rumours and fragmented reports of white women rearing children in Pondoland kraals only deepened the dread. Relatives feared the official version of all the females swiftly perishing was too "optimistic". "English society saw theirs as the fate that was worse than death and out of kindness wished them dead," said Taylor.Carroll, Rory, The Guardian Newspaper, Jhb Monday 22 march 2004
[[Minna Minna] Minna] was possibly Mary Wilmot, the 7yr old survivor of the wreck of the East Indiaman, the Grosvenor in 1782. In 1907 William Bazley describes how, “after the women and children were abandoned by Capt. Cox and his officers, one little girl, who he calls [[Minna Minna] Minna], was carried across the Mzimvubu River by a Lascar man. … Bazley calls her maMolo [so] she was probably raised by the amaMolo.” [Crampton, p299.]
Said to have married a [[NN Renegade Soldier NN Renegade Soldier] soldier] who had deserted from the Cape. Crampton speculates that it might have been one of the four Englishmen deserters who associated with the rebel boers: John Madder, Thomas Bentley; Harry Obry; Coves Bork associated with Willem & Nicholas Lochenburg (the old boer who guided the first missionaries to Bessie’s son, Mdepa in 1827) [Crampton, p299.]
[[Minna Minna] Minna] – or Minnie – as Bazley sometimes calls her, is said to have had children with this man, before he died. He says that she then married an escaped slave (or one of the Lascars who survived the Grosvenor) – [[Damin 'Damoyi' damoyi, SV/PROG Damin 'Damoyi' damoyi, SV/PROG] Domosi]. Crampton suggests the name could be a corruption of [[Damin 'Damoyi' damoyi, SV/PROG Damin 'Damoyi' damoyi, SV/PROG] Damin] – a runaway Bengalese slave, who spoke Dutch and acted as [[Ngqika ka Mlawu, 3rd Paramount Chief of the amaRarabe Ngqika ka Mlawu, 3rd Paramount Chief of the amaRarabe] Ngqika]’s mother’s interpreter, and who is known to have lived alongside the boers.
A missionary, van der Kemp, at Ngqiuka’s Great place, taught [[Damin 'Damoyi' damoyi, SV/PROG Damin 'Damoyi' damoyi, SV/PROG] Damin] – who he called a ‘Mahometan Hindoo’ to read and write. Another of van der Kemp’s pupils was the Khoi woman Sarah, who later married Nicholas Lochenberg, and a ‘Heathen’ woman called Mary… As [[Minna Minna] Minna], like Sarah, eventually settled at the Butterworth mission station, it seems like to Compton, that [[Minna Minna] Minna] – the child survivor of the Grosvenor, Mary, the convert, and Mary Wilmot – the 7 year old Grosvenor survivor were the same person. [Crampton p300]
[[Minna Minna] Minna] and [[Damin 'Damoyi' damoyi, SV/PROG Damin 'Damoyi' damoyi, SV/PROG] Damin] had several children. One, a son – [[May Jong Damoyi May Jong Damoyi] May Jong] (Eastern name?) is said to have lived for many years at the Ibisi in East Griqualand and died there, an old man.
Bazley says at least two of her daughters married white men – one becoming [[NN wife of Toohey NN wife of Toohey] Mrs ‘Toughy’] and the other [[NN wife of Richard Pierce NN wife of Richard Pierce] Mrs ‘Piarse] – with a daughter, [[Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu] Catherine], who marries [[John Robert Dunn, b5 John Robert Dunn, b5] John Dunn].
[[Daniel Charles Toohey Daniel Charles Toohey] Mr Toughy] was probably DC Toohey, a ship’s cook, who liked to be addressed as ‘Doctor,’ who arrived at Port Natal early in 1835 aboard the ‘Circe’. Within 4 years he had established himself as the acknowledged chief of around 2000 Zulu refugees, and along with another English settler, Henry Ogle, had considerable territory extending down the coast from the Mgeni River. He worked as a trader for a Grahamstown firm, travelling up and down the country with two other traders – Robert Biggar and John Cane. He had at least one son, [[Tshali Toohey Tshali Toohey] Tshali] (The Zulu version of Toohey’s name, Charles) by a Zulu woman who lived at the Thukela. [Crampton, p303]
Another of [[Minna Minna] Minna’s] daughters married [[Richard Pierce, Jnr. Richard Pierce, Jnr.] Piarse] or Pierce. The Pierces first arrived in SA as 1820 settlers aboard La Belle Alliance. [[Richard Pierce, Snr. SV/PROG Richard Pierce, Snr. SV/PROG] Richard Pierce], a 41 year old banker, his wife [[Ann Pierce, SM/PROG Ann Pierce, SM/PROG] Ann], and 3 sons were members of Wilson’s party. The eldest son, [[Richard Pierce, Jnr. Richard Pierce, Jnr.] Dick], who was then 11, grew up to marry a woman of ‘Cape Malay Origin’ – the daughter (name unknown) of the castaway [[Minna Minna] Minna] and [[Damin 'Damoyi' damoyi, SV/PROG Damin 'Damoyi' damoyi, SV/PROG] Damin] the runaway slave. The other two sons were [[Paul Pierce Paul Pierce] Paul Pierce], aged 10, & [[Joseph Pierce Joseph Pierce] Joseph Pierce], aged 9.
[[Richard Pierce, Jnr. Richard Pierce, Jnr.] Dick Pierce] and his wife worked in PE as servants to [[Robert Newton Dunn, SV/PROG Robert Newton Dunn, SV/PROG] Robert Newton Dunn], also an immigrant of 1820. When [[Robert Newton Dunn, SV/PROG Robert Newton Dunn, SV/PROG] Robert Dunn] moved his family in the 1830s to Port Natal, where his father-in-law, [[Capt Alexander Harvey Biggar, SV/PROG Capt Alexander Harvey Biggar, SV/PROG] Alexander Biggar] was a leading figure in the fledgling settler community, with – like most of the other Englishman there – a son by a Zulu woman, the Pierces went with them.
[[Robert Newton Dunn, SV/PROG Robert Newton Dunn, SV/PROG] Dunn] settled at South Coast Junction, imposing his authority over several hundred Zulu and coloured clients. His son, [[John Robert Dunn, b5 John Robert Dunn, b5] John] , was born in about 1835, followed three years’ later by the Pierce’s daughter [[Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu] Catherine]. The 2 children grew up together. When[[John Robert Dunn, b5 John Robert Dunn, b5] John] was about 14 his father was trampled to death by an elephant. His [[Ann Harold Dunn, SM Ann Harold Dunn, SM] mother] died a few years later and the household broke up. The orphaned [[John Robert Dunn, b5 John Robert Dunn, b5] John], in his own words ‘took to a wandering existence, having always been fond of my gun and a solitary life.’ He disappeared for a few years, taking [[Minna Minna] Minna’s] granddaughter, [[Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu] Catherine] with him.
The teenagers lived off the land – ‘Dunn was a regular white kaffir and used, as a boy, to go about in native dress,’ said one old settler – surviving by hunting and ivory trading. They were ‘found’ by a trader named Walmsley while hunting in the wilds of Zululand near the Thukela River. Walmsley took Dunn under his wing and educated him. [[John Robert Dunn, b5 John Robert Dunn, b5] John] Dunn stayed with the trader for 6 years, marrying his childhood companion, [[Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu] Catherine] Pierce in 1853. (He was about 18; she 15.) [Crampton, p303]
By the 1860s [[John Robert Dunn, b5 John Robert Dunn, b5] John Dunn] was well established as a gunrunner, conducting an extensive trade in firearms, for which the Zulu king, [[Cetshwayo kaMpande, King of the Zulus Cetshwayo kaMpande, King of the Zulus] Cetshwayo] was a leading customer. Dunn became his friend and confidant and was awarded some land near the eMatikulu River. He became a man of power and adopted Zulu customs, one of which was polygamy.
Eight years after his marriage to [[Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu] Catherine] he took a Zulu woman by the name of [[Macebose Dunn Macebose Dunn] Macebose Mhlongo] as his second wife, then 48 others another, securing marital ties with clans living in his district, and beyond. He was careful to respect traditional marriage rituals, paying lobola of 9 to 15 head of cattle for each and every one of them..
During the Anglo-Zulu War Dunn sided with the British and betrayed [[Cetshwayo kaMpande, King of the Zulus Cetshwayo kaMpande, King of the Zulus] Cetshwayo]. When hostilities ceased, the vanquished kingdom was divided into 13 chiefdoms and Dunn was rewarded with the largest portion, the southern region, stretching from the coast to the Buffalo River.
John Dunn was described in 1880 as follows: ‘a handsome well-built man about 5 ft 8 in height, with a good forehead, regular features, and keen grey eyes; a closely cut iron-grey beard hides the lower half of his bronzed, weather tanned countenance, and a look of determination and shrewdness is discernible in every lineament.’
He was frequently visited by Whites – important officials from the colony and Natal, hunters and travellers – but neither his wives nor his children were allowed to socialise with them. Nor did Dunn ever take any of his black wives with him to Natal, and in this way their existence could be politely ignored. His son, Dominic acknowledged that ‘there was a kind of segregation practised… My father kept to his whiteness in social matters..we, the children, as coloureds, lived separately from the natives.” They were not encouraged to establish relationships with the Zulus.
[[Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu] Catherine] remained very much opposed to his marriages to Zulu women, and despite t fact that she was herself of mixed descent, she aspired to being as ‘European’ as possible and condemned Dunn for his ‘degenerate social behaviour.
Dunn died on 5 August 1895, aged 60. He was survived by 33 sons, 46 daughters, and 23 wives, including [[Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu] Catherine]. 2 years after his death the rinderpest epidemic destroyed 90% of Dunn’s cattle, and his descendants and dependants were reduced to extreme povert. The government of the colony of Natal set aside a piece of land for the occupation of Dunn’s descendants, but many were forced to leave Zululand to seek employment, and today can be found all over the world, including Britain, America, Canada and Australia.
[[Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu Catherine Dunn, Indlunkulu] Catherine] died on 27 January 1905, aged about 70. She left no building or land to her surviving children; the ones she lived in reverted at her death to her husband’s will, which stated they were ‘to be shared amongst all members of the family.’ Described as a ‘housewife’ in her estate papers, she was survived by several children, listed as [[Annie Agnes Gielink Annie Agnes Gielink] Ann Agnes] (41), [[Sarah Amy Green Sarah Amy Green] Sarah Amy] (39), [[Mary Rose Dunn Mary Rose Dunn] Mary Rose] (38), [[Alice Lily Green Alice Lily Green] Alice Lilly] and [[Lizzy Edith Dunn Lizzy Edith Dunn] Lizzy Edith] (both 35), [[Catherine Louise 'Katie' Samuelson Catherine Louise 'Katie' Samuelson] Catherine Louise] (34) and [[Jane Sunny Dunn Jane Sunny Dunn] Sunny Dunn] (26)”. [Crampton, p305-6]
Minna’s third daughter, [[Lydia Damoyi Lydia Damoyi] Lydia], married [[Poswa Poswa] Poswa] an Mfengu of the ‘Maskati or Langalati’ tribe, and had several children – the youngest of whom was [[Elizabeth Canham Elizabeth Canham] Elizabeth] – who Bazley mistakenly says married Carson – actually [[Charles Canham Charles Canham] Charles Canham]; a white trader of dodgy repute. One official described him as ‘a rascal.’ He’d lived on the Wild Coast since at least 1856, in which year he’d written a letter on behalf of the Thembu chief to the colonial governor regarding the murder of Rev Thomas of Beecham Wood mission, a crime in which some of Bessie’s descendants were involved. The missionary had apparently been caught up inadvertently in a squabble between the ‘Morley people’ – Canham’s close friend, Mathew Ben Shaw, son of Rev William Shaw, co-founder of Morley mission, and the ama Mpondo. the feud included an attack on the latter by several armed and mounted men led by Shaw…
When [[Sir Walter Ernest Mortimer Stanford Sir Walter Ernest Mortimer Stanford] Sir Walter Stanford], a colonial official, met the Canhams in the 1880s, they were living in the vicinity of today’s village of Lusikisiki – a little inland from the Lambasi Bay where Bessie was shipwrecked. [[Charles Canham Charles Canham] Elizabeth], says Stanford, was ‘a light-coloured woman of civilised ways and habits’ and assumes she is descended from Bessie: one of the three old women seen by Jacob van Reenen at Umgazi on his expedition in search of survivors of the Grosvenor. [[Elizabeth Canham Elizabeth Canham] Elizabeth]’s death notice in the Cape archives proves, however, that she was really Mina’s granddaughter, according to Crampton. [Crampton, p301-2]
Mina’s grandson, [[Smith Poswa Smith Poswa] Smith Poswa], the son of a Coloured man, was a Xhosa chief. He was literate, promoted education, and petitioned the granting of individual title deeds, which directly opposed the traditional communal use of the land. He was a Christian, condemned initiation dances, complaining ‘of being kept awake at night by the dancing going on’ and was opposed to ukulobola and polygamy. His nephew was the exact opposite: [[Francis Canham Francis Canham] Francis Canham], the son of a white man, was a polygamist with two Pondo wives and appears to have been illiterate.
Crampton thinks Mina may have married a third time – as on 14 Dec 1828 Rev Shrewsbury of Butterworth married [[Simon Xila 'April' Simon Xila 'April'] Simon Xila] aka ‘April’ ( a 70 year old runaway slave) to a woman called Mina (who he describes as one of Matiwana’s people– an Mpondomise chief of San descent) Brought to the Cape from Batavia, he escaped to the Xhosa of the east coast. He had at least one child – a daughter. By 1828 he had been living among Hintsa’s people for upwards of 30 years – since about 1798 (the same time as Lochenbergs arrived in the area. Rev Shrewsbury baptised him on 22 June 1828.In 1828 – when she was 53 yrs old , Mina could have known [[Simon Xila 'April' Simon Xila 'April'] Xila] from the time a ‘Zila’ had acted as van der Kemp’s interpreter at [[Ngqika ka Mlawu, 3rd Paramount Chief of the amaRarabe Ngqika ka Mlawu, 3rd Paramount Chief of the amaRarabe] Ngqika]’s Great Place. (William, Lochenberg – eldest son of Nicholas confirms he was the same man – who had left Lochenberg when the Butterworth mission was established.) [Crampton p300]
Crampton, Hazel. ‘The Sunburnt Queen’. Johannesburg: Jacana. 2004. Print. [[Sharon Doubell Sharon Doubell] Contact Sharon Doubell]
Andrew been communicating with Anny Boyd a Marine Archeologist from Australia.
She and oters believe the ship Sidney Turner said was the Grosvenor was actually north of Port Edward not south near present day Port Grosvenor .
An interesting speculation.
South of Haga Haga another ship from 1700's must have sunk as 3 canon and part of anchor there but unknown ship.
They planning a search for early 2023
Greetings people,
I have a lady that is writing a book on John Dunn from a little more of a personal perspective.
According the research that I have done and according to the book by Charles Ballard, my ancestry derives from John Dunn and Macibose Langeni.
Looking at the following link, this is not correct, you guys have it listed as "Macebose Mhlongo".
Which is correct, Macebose Mhlongo or Macibose Langeni?
1. Re Grosvenor
1782 first search no survivors found living amongst the amaxhosa..
1790/1792 another search after reports of whitewomen living with the amaXhosa. Official report 1792 : No survivors found.
Yet in Wikipedia about Grosvenor says 3 women found in 1792 , 2 from Grosvenor.
2. Been doing research for Jonn Lee from Rhodesia . Interesting that all these " white " hunters all killed a lion or elephant when they were 12, then swam a river to save someone etc etc.? The same exploits like a template.
For him also a wife Louisa according to legend and word of mouth but no record of her instead another woman 's name on children's baptisns.
Caution with historical novels like Hollywood blockbuster Historical movies based on the truth loosely
According to the 4 survivors if the Grosvenor that ended up back in England.
They all set off together for the Cape exceot for 2 men after a few days it became obvious that tge women and children were slowing them down .so 45 able bodied nen abd boy decided to proceed ahead of the others. All were trekking to the Cape none left behind except for 2 men.
Who decided to dress up in women's clothes and hide amongst the Amaxhosa to be discovered by Wikipedia years later ?
My own grt grandfather Hendrik Jacobs just disappeared on professional Genealogist 's compiled Genealogy for my relative Noel Badrian .
They had him as Leonard James Jacobs . My grandfather was Michael Charles Jacobs nit Marthinus Corneliius Jacobs.but primary sources ignored by that professional Genealogist.
Just as example how things so easy run in the wrong direction when we rely on hearsay and novels.
Hazel Compton a reasonable author but The Sunburnt Queen not a reliable source.
Grosvenor sank 4 August 1782
The Sunburnt Queen ----A seven-year-old English girl, washed up on the Wild Coast in about 1736, is adopted by the amaMpondo, grows up to become a woman of surpassing beauty, marries the chief of the clan and becomes an ancestor of many of the Xhosa royal families in the nineteenth century. It sounds like the stuff of romance, but this is verified, documented fact. Although her surname is unknown, in spite of a persistent 19th-century story that she was the daughter of a General Campbell, we do know that her name was Bessie. The amaMpondo named her Gquma - 'The Roar of the Sea' - and she won their affection for her compassion and generosity, and became famous for her love of ornament, covering herself with necklaces, beadwork, seashells and bangles. But she was no mere fashion-plate, winning renown for her wisdom, becoming involved in the politics of her adopted people and wielding an influence virtually unprecedented among women of her time and place. Inspired by the story of Bessie, in Sunburnt Queen, Hazel Crampton has delved deep into the history of the castaways from the many ships wrecked on this beautiful but perilous shore.;In a highly entertaining way she tells their story, which became inextricably interwoven with those of the people of the Wild Coast: whole clans, such the abeLungu ('the White People') trace their ancestry to castaways. The book traces the lives of Bessie's descendants and those of some of the other castaways whose names are known. Their stories are intimately, often tragically intertwined in the sad history of contact between the Xhosa-speaking peoples and the white settlers. The author, although obviously a person of strong opinions, like all the best historiographers, she presents people and events in a non-judgmental way, allowing contemporary voices to pronounce on the actions, good and bad, of the actors in this drama. If there is a message to be gleaned from the story of Bessie it is this: South Africans are far more alike than we are different, and we all have so much more to gain by emphasizing our similarities rather than our differences, and by cherishing our common heritage.
Sadly the claim " It sounds like the stuff of romance, but this is verified, documented fact. " not verified at all , likely she was from the 1726 ship wreck The Staevenin if she actually existed .
The Northern Miner, 3 April, 1907
GROSVENOR SURVIVORS.
AN INTERESTING STORY.
Mr. F. Steinacher sends to the
" Natal Witness " the following interesting
particulars regarding the ultimate
fate of some of the female survivors
of the " Grosvenor " which was
wrecked on the Pondoland coast at the
latter end of the Eighteenth Century :—
In your issue of the 1st inst, I see
a short account of the wreck of the
" Grosvenor "
May I be permitted to give a version
of this wreck as told to me by the old
Qalecka chief Kreli, a version which
was years afterwards confirmed as
correct by an old gentleman then living
in southern Natal.
The three white women rescued from
the " Grosvenor " were, as stated in
your article, taken by native chiefs,
One of these women gave birth to a
white girl a few days after her rescue.
About a year after the wreck these
women ware found by an expedition
sent by the Cape Government, but they
refused to return to civilisation, having
meanwhile had half-caste descendants.
One of the descendants of these was
a Mrs. C ....... (I forget the name, but
knew the woman), residing in Pondoland.
The white child grew up, and
later fell into the hands of some Zulus.
When Moziligazie broke away from
Chaka this white woman went with
Moziligazie's men, part of that Inmi
remained in the Northern Transvaal
mountains, and with them this white
girl. She died only about ten years
ago. She is the main character in
Rider Haggard's " She."
Some 12 or 13 years ago I tried to
trace some other women in Pondoland
and Grlqualand descended from the
three women wrecked with the " Grosvenor "
and so far succeeded as to
trace two; but I have forgotten their
names.
There is no doubt that the coast from
a little south of Port Grosvenor to at
least the Umtamvuna River has risen
since the wreck. One of the guns of
the " Grosvenor " is, 1 believe, lying
in a spruit near the kraal of either
the Great Place or near Umshlangazu's
kraal In Pondoland.
I believe it was Sigcau who wished
to get a piece of artillery, and an
accommodating white man was found
who undertook to supply his sable
majesty's want. '
The gun was taken from Port Grosvenor,
but there was no ammunition
and certain repairs were necessary.
The means for this were procured by
the chief, and the white man departed
to procure them in England. But
somehow the white man must have
had an accident. He was never heard
or any more.
Kreli was an old Qalecka chief and a
good native. He was deposed from
his chieftainship and resided out of
Qaleckalond proper on the banks of the
Bashee River, In Bomvanaland. He
died in the early nineties, when Sir
Henry Lock was Governor at the Cape.
Coins from the " Grosvenor " were
not rare in Pondoland about 1889. I
bought one gold and two silver coins
for a few shillings from natives.
[The " Grosvenor," Indiaman, was
wrecked on the coast of Kaffraria, 4th
August, 1782.]
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/85576352?searchTerm=gros...
The Van Reenen expedition was mounted in response, no doubt, to the
uncertainty of Gordon and others. Riou, the editor of this document,
reproved Le Vaillant, Bligh, and Carter by suggesting that this expedition
now proved that there were no survivors, but part of the Van Reenen
expedition report mingled with the Grosvenor myth. Far from the Cape
they came across
a village of bastaard Christians, who were descended from people
shipwrecked on that coast, and of which, three old women were still
living, whom Oemtonoue the Hambonaa captain had taken as his
wives. [We] found that the people were descended from whites,
some too from slaves of mixed colour, and the natives of the East
Indies. We also met the three old women, who said they were sisters,
and had, when children, been shipwrecked on this coast, but could
not say of what nation they were, being too young to know at the
time the accident happened. We offered to take them and their
children back with us on their return; at which they seemed very
much pleased.
(Carter 160)
Nonetheless, the women later refused to leave the group, on the grounds
that it was too crucial a period of the year for the crops (Carter 170-71).
https://hipsa.org.za/publication/the-wreck-of-the-grosvenor/
The Journal of Jacob van Reenen (1790-91) in search of the wreck of the Grosvenor and any survivors. (A literal translation from the original Dutch by Captain Riou in 1792).
When the news of the wreck reached Cape Town, a relief party was sent out by the Dutch authorities. The party was obliged to turn back owing to the hostile attitude of the Thembu tribes but came across another eight survivors whom they took back with them to Cape Town.
Van Reenen was a member of an expedition that was undertaken in 1790 to look for more survivors of the Grosvenor after reports reached Cape Town of some white women living among the amaXhosa. The expedition found the wreck of the Grosvenor close to today’s Port St Johns and understood from the natives that most of the goods that washed ashore had been taken to the Portuguese trading station in Delagoa Bay to be sold. The white women reportedly living among the natives were not found.
The psychic legacy of these texts and paintings is suggested strongly by
an anecdote recounted by Randolph Vigne:
The last Van Riebeeck Society meeting I attended was in, I think,
1953, to launch P. R. Kirby's Source Book on the Wreck of the
Grosvenor, East llldiaman. The chairman, Judge H. S. van Zyl, in
the presence of the Governor-General, Dr E. G. Jansen, expressed
profound relief on behalf of the members at learning from Professor
Kirby that the infant daughter of General Campbell had not, as was
popularly believed, been abandoned among the surJivors of an earlier
wreck, nor had she grown up to marry a Mpondo chief (unlike a girl
child survivor of the Bennebroek, wrecked in 1723, who married a
future Mpondo paramount chief, Xwasibo, as the Rev. J. H. Soga
relates). Neither figures anywhere in the Grosvenor story, but Miss
Campbell's fate had clearly been exercising the Judge's mind a good
deal ... (5)
If the later white South Africans, English and Afrikaners, were concerned
about this issue, they were so because, as was so often the case, the British
had been concemed about it before. them.
The source of Judge van Zyl's anxiety is traceable as far back as to
Harriet Ward, who in her reminiscences of her time as wife of the British
commander on the Eastern Frontier had left the following (inaccurate)
Several of these chiefs had, on the faith of their promises of
neutrality, been received by the English at Fort Peddie with
cordiality, especially Pato and NOJUlebe, the latter a female
descendant of General Campbell, who with his family was wrecked
in the last century off the East Coast of Africa, in the Grosvenor East
Indiaman. Nonnebe's mother was the daughter of a Miss Campbell,
one of the General's unhappy daughters, who had been seized and
retained by a Kaffir Chief as his "great wife." (I: 262-63)
White Bwana can have native woman but White Madam can not have Native man !!
In W. C. Scully's verse drama version, "The Wreck of the Grosvenor,"
he changes the plot by telescoping the two sets of women into one. In his
version the expedition takes place some fifteen years after the shipwreck
and the three white women who have been forced to marry the chief and
two of his councillors refuse to return to civilisation out of shame for what
they have become and done, and they swear the expedition sent to recover
them to silence.
Trout-fishing in Africa: The Figure of the Sla~e
Scully's drama is most interesting, however, when it fixes on Trout, who
in his version is an escaped slave from the coloilY, for Scully finds
himself, half deliberately, half unconsciously, one suspects, rewriting
Shakespeare's The Tempest. Scully's version of the exchange between
Trout and the shipwrecked party is brief enough to give in its entirety and
shows both how Scully tUnIS the moral tables on the shipwrecked group
and evokes Caliban in Trout's descriptions of his trip away from human
society and his near loss of language:
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The financial assistance of the Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South
Africa) towards this research is hereby acknow)edged. Opinions expressed and
conclusions arrived at are those of the author and not necessarily to be attributed
to the Centre for Science Development. I am grateful to Karel Schoeman of the
South African Library for comments on a draft of this essay and to the staff of the
South African Library for help with visual material.
NOTES
1. Cited in Kirby 1960, 123.
2. Lane, the publisher, undoubtedly had an interest in some mutual boosting
of the texts; in addition it should be noted that the Carter prints of the uCaffre" and
"Female Caffre" between pages 46 and 47 are taken from Le Vaillant.
3. Riou's A Journal of a Journey from the Cape of Good Hope . .. (1792)
was republished alongside Carter's A Narrative of the Loss of the Grosvenor . ..
(1791) in the 1927 Van Riebeeck Society volume. Carter is (somewhat
confusingly) given as the author of this volume (see Works Cited).
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